Friday, August 4, 2017

Lamberto dell'Antella Captured and Forced To Answer For Conspiracy: August 4, 1497

The terrible summer of 1497 in Florence seemed unrelenting. There was the failed attack in April by Piero de'Medici, the ousted former inherited ruler. There was the swirling attacks and rumors and then the notice of the excommunication of the still popular Dominican friar Savonarola. Plague struck this time as well with an additional fever that also killed many. Something surely had to give.

After the announcement in June 'with bell, book and candle' in five great churches of the status of friar Savonarola, opinions flared again. Published pamphlets mocked, people in the streets hurled passing insults, and the youth brawled in the public spaces. Weinstein has Piero Parenti report that,
Nighttime demonstrators flung insults and threats at the walls of San Marco. Scurrilous verses and obscene cartoons littered the streets.... Other speakers warned that the city would pay for harboring an excommunicant.
Franciscans, Augustinians, Conventual Dominicans, as well as his regular opponents the "Mad Dog" Arrabbiati, and others surely, spread the cry against Savonarola. [p.231] But in letters sent all summer, the man himself seemed undeterred. [pp. 233-4] A petition was circulated by his supporters. This, passed out on the streets by the faithful was so hated that the Arrabbiati complained to the Signoria. It was a way to collect intelligenza they said about potential voting blocs, an idea which had been struck out as a way to influence the Republic's still fragile democractic body.  The plague of June intensified into July.

quotes and pagination from Donald Weinstein: Savonarola: the rise and fall of a renaissance prophet , Yale University Press, New Haven, 2011
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But despite the efforts of some, politics was anything but a monolithic affair of one family or another, even in the age of the famous de'Medici. Many families, many names, many ages of personalities among family members found themselves aligned with this or that group for shorter or longer bits of time or, over this or that cause. With the exile of the latest great name, many of their former followers found it hard to come up with other things to do. Many remained quiet partisans until such time might come when, they might coalesce again to advance a cause. The failed attack by Piero de'Medici in the spring was followed by news from Rome of Savonarola's excommunication. Meanwhile, many of the city leaders in the Signoria had repeatedly tried to increase the voter franchise, in order to lessen the relative power of the various fluid factions.

In this rocky summer, Lamberto dell'Antella had written a letter asking permission to return. Secretly tracked and arrested just a few miles outside he was brought as a prisoner back into the City. From a famous and ancient family that had long supported and prospered with the de'Medici, and as an ardent supporter of Piero himself, Lamberto had been exiled from the City, called a rebel, an outlaw. In the wake of the attack in the springtime that year, Lamberto and his brother had left the field and ended up in Siena. But having caused more trouble than aid, Piero asked the Sienese to imprison the brothers for safe-keeping. Lamberto wrote that he wanted to return to his native City and tell what he knew about the goings of the ungrateful Piero.

Instead, Lamberto dell'Antella was tortured, hung up with ropes by his armpits and then dropped several feet with a jolt that could dislocate the shoulders. At first, a tumble of names came out. Wealthy men, prominent men, names with important family ties all drawn in the calumnious storm. As word got out, sceptics were quick to deflect and accuse. He had a lot of enemies, he needed money, his brother in Siena needed help. Yet he was full of gossip about Piero. The lifestyle, the parties, even a list of those who Piero wanted to take out when he returned. Hard pressed he gave up two more names of notables. These were captured and in turn tortured. They gave up more names and stories, even implicating that spring's Gonfalonier Bernardo del Nero.

The Signory sent their messengers and called for him, and many of these others, to come at once to help a government matter. They willingly went expecting to act, out of  a sense of duty.
"Fearing the escape of the chief suspects, the Signory and Eight resorted to trickery. Served with invitations, Del Nero, Ridolfi and Lorenzo Tornabuoni were accompanied to the Palace by messengers of the Signory ... expecting a consultation or a simple round of questioning. If they went without suspicion, a surprise awaited them, for on ascending the main staircase of the palace and reaching a certain landing, instead of moving on to the audience chamber of the Priors, they were suddenly turned the other way and led into the quarters of the Eight." [p. 185]
They too were arrested and then harshly interrogated. Ridolfi was the brother to Giovanbattista Ridolfi, a well-known adviser to friar Savonarola. A few lesser known men were hung over the findings of the interrogations while the process of information gathering and punishment continued. By mid month a trial had been called for five men: the two that Dell'Antella gave up, Giannozzo Pucci and Giovanni de Bernardo Cambi, as well as Bernardo del Nero, Niccolo Ridolfi, and Lorenzo Tornabuoni. This went on four days while the City raged. Petitions poured in to support them and begged for mercy. But they were executed in the middle of the night. This too had its consequences for many among the powerful and influential there. One medievalist claims that previous state executions were a rare thing but was used more often after this affair.

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quotes from pp. 182-7, in Martines, Lauro:  Fire In The City: Savonarola and the struggle for the soul of Renaissance Florence Oxford University Press, Inc.,NY 2006

early Martin Luder notes cribbed from Lyndal Roper's bio

First, a chrono:
1483 born
1497 Mansfield to Madgeburg, began latin
1498 to Eisenach, became recognised by most there, a place full of churches, revered St George,  and he stayed there w/ The Schalbes
1501 to Erfurt
1505 finishes MA, determined to study law
1505 July 17: joins Augustinian order, against his father's wishes, a businessman managing mines
1507 Luder performs first Mass
Erfurt politics p. 39-41
1508-9: year of study in Wittenburg(p. 63*), monastery life pp 41-4
his temptations, Anfechtungen pp.44-7
1510 to Rome, description/L's reactions to the Eternal City: pp 48-51
1511 return to Wittenburg, visiting Laminit in Augsburg on way back, a famous anorexic nun pp52-3
1512 Oct: gains doctorate, becomes district vicar in charge of 11 districts, incl personnel elevation,transfer and finances; got flak from teachers back in Erfurt for it too, pp 55-6
On sins and sinners, pp 56-9
Learning from Staupitz, his confessor ad mentor, what differentiated them, pp. 53-60
1515 becomes Bible prof at Wittenberg, May at Staupitz' direction: sermonizes (in Gotha), disputates over Psalms, Romans, pp 60-2
Wittenburg history and layers, pp 63-71
on minorities and Jews: pp 65-6
on relics bringing money: pp. 67-70
on wealth bringing artists: pp 71-3
on new friends and ideas: pp. 73-8
on L's personal prestige at uni: pp. 78-80

the 95 theses: pp 80-7... Maybe really 87 theses, and then not at Wittenburg exactly...
arguing theses against scholastics at uni p 81*, how the process, methods seems to expose Luther's own contradictions -p.82
dissemination of these and their receptions p 83
April 1518 argues against theological logic, philosophy, pp 91-3
May 1518: writes letter to Trutfetter, p 94
May1518: publishes sermon On Indulgences and Grace, p 84
Nuremburg friends p 85
there began also book burnings, p 85
Substance of inflammation Against 95 theses, p 86, his name change
Luther's thoughts as compared w/ Theologica deutsch, pp 88-90; his consequent logical forms and methods in his social mileu, Roper concludes for the now self-named Eleutherius, overcame these early influences of mysticism

* great loccalizing, focusing quotes from this author
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Roper, Lyndal: Martin Luther: Renegade and Prophet; Random House, NY, 2017

Monday, July 31, 2017

Aldo Manutius: Publisher, Classicist, Humanist, Christian

Aldus Manutius was born in the small hillside town of Bassiano mid-century in the province of Latina east-south-east of Rome. As a boy he went to university and attended lectures of Domizio Calderini and studied rhetoric under Gaspare da Verona there in Rome. Aldo continued as a student thru the 1460's and into the 1470's and (probably) in the latter part of that decade, moved to Ferrara to work under Battisti Guarini, where Aldo pursued the study of Greek language.

In a few years, Aldo took a position as tutor to the sons of Caterina Pio. She was the widow of Leonello, and was also the sister of Giovanni Pico della Mirandola. Aldo and Giovanni had likely met at Ferrara and subsequently had spent some time working together in 1482. Manutius himself said he spent six years in Carpi teaching the young princes Alberto and Leonello Pio until 1489. Carpi lies just north of Modena, south of Verona and due west from Ferrara, along the southern plain of the Po River in north Italy. Surrounded by several other towns and schools known for their various disciplines that qualified as education for the times, in Carpi, he also had a ringside seat for the various political upheavals and other turbulent news that swirled in those days.

In 1489 he decisively moved to Venice and, by his own later remarks we learn he had begun the process of publishing his first text in Greek by that same, or, the very next year. This work, a Greek Grammar, of Constantine Lascaris, finally appeared in March of 1495. That same year Manuzzio also began publishing a five volume edition of works of Aristotle. To accomplish this work he had also secured private investment for the second of the five vols. In a couple more years, Manuzio had branched out into publishing works from this same benefactor, Lorenzo Maioli, a Genoan who taught philosophy in Ferrara.

Formerly as a teacher, Manuzio had seen the usefulness inherent in logic and rhetoric, and especially in the original languages. Then, as a publisher, he saw the necessity of spreading the means  - a published work of grammar - as well as the widely recognised substance, the logic and dialectics, of none other than Aristotle. In those days, especially in the clerical world, but also, among the enterprising humanists, the name of Alexander's tutor still rang out.

It was the benefactor for this work of Aristotlian selections, Lorenzo Maioli, who also had asked for (and would in time receive) a work of his own to be published by the Aldine Press in July 1497. In a letter sent that spring Maioli complains of the reticence of Aldo Manuzio to publish his Epiphyllides. This benefactor says he will be even more indebted with the completion of this request,
"... even if you will think them too lacking in stylistic elegance and too carelessly expressed for them to be worthy of being printed in your type, and if you do not deem it disgraceful to publish a philospophical work that lacks the adornment of eloquence -- just because I do not at all satisfy you in this regard.
This is not a good enough reason for you to be annoyed and refuse your services to one who holds you more dear than anyone else, since our common goal frees both of us from captious criticism. For works in which the primary goal is to search for the truth should be less faulted (as Aristotle says in his Rhetorica) if they are written in a less elegant way, since we should direct our attention to the purity of their truth rather than look for the charm of a brilliant style. Not only do I think that elegance and philosophy are different in nature, they differ from each other in function." Appendix, i, 2-3; p.233

Epiphyllides in Greek are simply a bunch of grapes, or, grapeleaf or, fruit gleanings. The benefactor here sees the potential benefit in this hoped-for printed work despite its lack of style. He sees himself, the writer, and investor, as a seeker of truth and, as such, should not be faulted for such lack of elegance in style. Manuzio finishes the book and puts a preface to it as well.

This letter is just a taste of what can be found in this new 2017 Harvard collection of, yes, prefaces (with also a few letters), that Manuzio penned and printed at his famous fifteenth century printing press in Venice. This new collection published this year by the I Tatti Renaissance Library is for both  Latin and Humanistic authors. Just such a humanistic author was Lorenzo Maioli who taught in Ferrara. Last year (2016) saw the publication of a similar coillection of Aldine prefaces, but for the Greek Classics.

Manuzio in his preface went at the work of praising his benefactor in good humor. After fulsome praising he goes on to explain why to prospective students and readers.
"Since Maiolo is always engaged in carefully writing something in the liberal arts and in medicine, not just for the exercising of his mind but also and especially for your instruction, he sent me this work to be printed. The contents certainly deserve to be known but they lacked the appropriate elegance of style [elegantia minime]. At first I refused him and asked him to give the work some polish, since he could do this as well as anyone (for he is certainly most learned in Greek and Latin) and then to send it to me. But he pressed me in an amicable way, both in person and by letter, that it should be printed even just as it is, as he was under the compulsion of publishing it in order to comply with the demands of his pupils and friends. And so I finally undertook to do what he asked and I did so all the more eagerly because I had no doubts of its considerable benefit to you students."  Editions To Humanistic Authors, ii,2
More about Manuzio will be added as time allows.
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 Manuzio, Aldo: Humanism and the Latin Classics , John N. Grant ed., trans., for The I Tatti Renaissance Library (ITRI); by The President and Fellows of Harvard College, USA 2017

Thursday, July 20, 2017

Francisco de Bobadilla Selected For Mission To New World: May, 1499

An exception rather than the general rule of promoting new men as corregidores and alcalde within Greater Spain, Francisco de Bobadilla, was one of those that were promoted from within the Spanish court of Ferdinand and Isabella. Both his father and grandfather had served at the Castilian court, and as a young man of twenty-five or thirty had been named a commander in the Military Order of Calatrava. He had proved his mettle in battle against local Moors by 1483 and then made alcalde in Jaèn west of Cordoba. When the new complex called Santa Fe outside Granada was built in order to take that city in 1492, Bobadilla was made mayor of this manufactured city, at the spearpoint of the siege against Alhambra, this last holdout of the Nasrid dynasty. His sister Beatriz was said to be Queen Isabella's best friend.

In 1499, Francisco was called again, this time to squelch a rebellion, find the perpetrators, and 'proceed against them'. This time his duties would send him to the New World. These royal plans and directives were drawn up by May of the same year. The rebellion of Francisco Roldàn in Hispaniola first began with a rebellion of locals, and the subsequent march ordered against them which was led by this same Roldàn in order to counter their attacks. As the chief magistrate of La Isabela (the town which ordered into existence by Cristobal Colon - aka Christopher Columbus - on his second voyage), the defense of that post was part of Roldàns responsibilities. But, since Colon had left, he had placed his brother Bartolomeo Colon in charge.

The island of modern Hispaniola is comprised of both Haiti and the Dominican Republic, but in 1497 there was a great dispensation of lands on La Española by Bartolomeo, to ease his own load of responsibilities and reward loyal members of his fellow conquistadores. Bartolomeo himself began building what became Santo Domingo, a chief administrative center meant to replace La Isabela. [p. 200]. The real cause of personal animosity between the two men is still mysterious but, Roldàn found himself at odds with Bartolomeo again and again, over leadership, and even how the brother's Columbus were using the locals for personal profit.

There was a stand-off in Concepcion. Here, a break in how these two, Bartolomeo Colon and Francisco Roldàn set out in different directions, also began an age old difference in how things were done. Roldàn refused to compromise with Colon, wanted just to return to Spain, but would not resign his 'state magistrate'. He ended up going back to Jaragua where he worked at making repartimiento arrangements with 'settlers' and the locals without express permission to do so, and no grant or charter approving this activity from the Crown in Spain. [p. 201] Colon went back to Santo Domingo and began to build seven forts along the west end of the island.
"Roldàn, in his part of the island, also took an important step in establishing a division of land, giving... [locals] and property to followers. But the decision to do this was taken without viceregal, much less royal, consent. Roldàn as chief magistrate acted as the controller of his division,  while he allowed it to be understood that the holdings which he allocated would be hereditary." [p.202]

Francisco de Bobadilla when news of some of these events reached Spain was to be sent to set things right, as the King and Queen saw fit. The instructions explicitly called Columbus Admiral, not governor or Viceroy, and made clear they thought the rebellion was started by Roldàn, and not Columbus' brother.

But, through 1499, there were delays setting back Bobadilla's departure. Jimenez de Cisneros, the Archbishop of Toledo, wanted to make sure that clerical order would successfully be set up in the New World. [p. 210] This would include conversion of the locals and building of churches, and these select few were to work alongside Bobadilla as well. One of these clerics sent was the Franciscan secretary of Cisneros, Fray Francisco Ruiz, a former chorister at Toledo and professor in Alcalá. He would be directed by the Queen to find out what was really going on in the Indies of Columbus. [p.211]

One decision that was made concerned the return of both Caribs and Tainos that had been brought as slaves from the Caribbean to Spain on Columbus' previous trips. It was the Queen's conviction that slaves were not a commodity that the Crown could morally encourage. There were many of the conquistadores who could not see this notion as anything but a loss of return for their efforts. But of these several hundred initial souls captured and brought to Europe, only nineteen were found by the Crown's efforts that wanted to return. The same Fray Ruiz was tasked with taking these up and protecting them until the trip and for the voyage yet to come. [p.212]

The King through the summer was also in the south of Spain working to help with converting Muslims and Jews there. [p.211] The lives of these men, Bobadilla, Cisneros and even fray Ruiz, give some example of how the New Spain would spread its dominion.
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quotes and pagination from: Thomas, Hugh: Rivers of Gold: The Rise of the Spanish Empire ; Penguin/ Random House, UK; 2003

Thursday, July 6, 2017

whitecap news: summer 2017

It's been awhile since I collected news items here. President Trump has gone to Europe in his second trip there since entering office here. Meanwhile, back in the States, there is a mood.
We are told he will attend the annual G20 summit held this year in Hamburg, Germany. People wonder how this, his second tour there in under six months, will fair compared to the last time he made some rounds.  While in the US, the Washington Post reports Trump still spends a fifth of his time at his golf courses. And only once out west, and that to Cedar Rapids, Iowa.
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But there are very troubling issues at large. North Korea has demonstrated its ability to launch another ICBM missile, claiming it has a range over 6000 km putting it in range of Alaska and Canada. The Ex CEO of Exxon and the new Secretary of State  of the Trump Administration released a strongly worded statement.

The many refugees crossing the Mediterranean this summer have not abated.

The free press is under attack and not just in Turkey, the US, or Russia.
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All of a sudden this week, the Kansas Secretary of State, on behalf of the Trump Administration, has asked all fifty US States for public registration records of voting rolls. Kris Kobach is a known figure in US politics because of the money behind him to restrict voter participation. He has crafted several bills nationally in several states enabling him to direct policy from a non-legislative seat. The stated purpose is to get rid of voter fraud when he knows but simply denies there isn't much of that to be found. One merely has to weigh the number of his prosecutions for voter fraud against the number of actual American voters that were disenfranchised through his crusade in order to see how craven his bosses' motives truly are. And that was true before Kobach found his perch with the Trump's. So several states almost immediately told him, 'No way, Jose.'
Also, in the US, Trump wants Congress to repeal what is known as former President Obama's signature achievement. But the efforts of both the House and Senate in DC have done little but raise a nationwide clamor. So much so that the vote on the second attempt in the Senate had to be postponed until after the Independence Day holiday. Still, few Congressmembers have agreed to meet with constituents this holiday. There is little consensus or understanding of what these repeal bills may mean to the public at large if they are passed. One Senator has decided to have some small appearances for the public, in small towns far away from the cities. So it must be advertised for people to go for free.

The Independent Counsel looking into the 2016 US elections, the Trump campaign and his advisers, finances, communications is still ongoing. More evidence is leaked and drummed into an unrecognizable pulp by three to five days. The Trump Administration denies it knew much and doesn't want to hear about who cares. OK? There is so much more that has happened, so many imposed contradictions and reflective smoke and fire stories these days, I take some comfort in older stories.

Wednesday, June 28, 2017

pageturner chronicles: i, 1497

On that rainy day in late April when the attempt by Medicean partisans to 'take back' Florence was secretly planned, the city leaders had been talked into summoning a number of partisans from within the city. These men once they arrived (and before the attack outside the walls had begun), were then held indoors under a strict guard. Meanwhile in the rain, the forces outside the walls tried to raise an alarm that was simply not answered. The city would not allow the bells to ring.

If the plan for Piero de Medici was to swarm the gate outside the city, while his cohorts and allies inside could gather the assumed swells of Medicean supporters answering that bell in order to topple the forces ranged against them within the city, then, those supporters in the city did not materialize in enough numbers. This deceptive summoning, followed by those persons being essentially seized as hostages, until the crowd's moment had passed, brought many things to light. There were also disastrous consequences for many.

Francesco Valori was later blamed for advising the fathers to take this measure. Several families and their offspring were implicated. Individuals in several churches were called out as secret Medicean sympathizers. Certain other individuals with a past, already exiled and officially called 'rebel' and 'outlaw' came back around. One in particular Lamberto dell' Antella had gone to Rome and had gained friends there, but had spent this spring coursing back and forth across Italy and eventually, had fallen out with Piero. Deemed too much a bother, Piero asked Siena to take charge of this rebel's rebel. They did, but then confined there, Lamberto's anger turned against Piero and he began sending messages to Florence asking for safe conduct there where he might tell them all he knew. He was coaxed out of hiding and by early August 1497, was captured and interrogated at Florence. He named names.

This investigation and its immediate effects would strike at the center of Florentine politics, destroying the lives of many and killing a number of its prominent politicians.

pp. 178-83; Martines, Lauro:  Fire In The City: Savonarola and the struggle for the soul of Renaissance Florence ; Oxford University Press, New York, 2006 
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The plague had hit Italy again that June. In Florence it was coupled with a mysterious fever that killed many as well. People were still starving there. Parenti says as many as thirty-six victims a day were counted at the height of the sickness, Landucci not quite as many. Weinstein tells us,
"Those who could do so fled the city. Fearing contagion, the Great Council suspended its meetings and public business slowed. Imports and distributions of food suffered, and prices, already steep, soared. So many people were falling in their tracks from disease and starvation, wrote Landucci, that every hour the streets had to be cleared, while the hospitals overflowed with the sick and dying." [p. 236]
In early July fra Tommaso Busini, a Dominican colleague of Savonarola at San Marco fell to the plague. Reports say Savonarola then asked for 'divine protection' through prayer and led a procession through the cloister 'carrying white candles and red crosses' singing 'Ecce Quam Bonus'.  But his frequent letters show none of these difficulties in this, his last summer. Indeed he sharply criticized brothers who wished to flee to the country and avoid the 'city air'. He wrote to family members to reassure them that relatives were still safe in the cloister. Despite this he had to admit some fifty to a hundred people, or worse, were dying per day due to the alternate fever that year.
"But the pestilence grew more severe and it was decided to send the younger friars into the more slaubrious air of the countryside. ... Savonarola's adversaries put it about that this unusual measure of sending clerics out to live among the laity proved that there was disunity in the cloister, noting with perverse satisfaction, that having terrified the city by threats of plague, the friars were the first to suffer it." [p. 237]
But Savonarola remained unperturbed. He read a Hebrew bible and studied with close colleagues the Jewish prophets, he tended the sick, he wrote extensively. The letter to unnamed friends quotes Dominican Archbishop Antoninus Pierozzi on its first page. Pierozzi was made a saint as soon as 1523.

Quotes, references and pagination from, Donald Weinstein: Savonarola: the rise and fall of a renaissance prophet , Yale University Press, New Haven, 2011
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Marin Sanudo had already mentioned by 5th of June, 1497, that the plague had struck in Venice and that they had developed a municipal plan to combat it.


Thursday, June 22, 2017

new books: ... each end begun a new becoming sprung

Since the fall of last year I had begun receiving and then reading a number of new books. Receding. I also have to acknowledge the general paucity and overall brevity of most of the posts here over the last year. Too little too late. The two concerns are related. So let me explain. For this I have to go back a bit.

In April of last year I had read there was a new biography of the Augsburg banker and money titan Jacob Fugger. Whether or not he was The Richest Man Who Ever Lived , I got this book by Greg Steinmetz on a whim and started into what reveals itself as a very easy introduction. A plain-spoken, if somewhat flatly episodic view from peak to peak along many of the ridges atop that European Renaissance world of commerce and finance. At twenty-seven years of age, Fugger gave a loan to the Archduke of Augsburg. By the age of thirty, in order to resolve a dispute with Venice, Fugger had exchanged a loan of 100,000 florins to the same Arch-duke for the rights of the mine at Schwaz until the principle of that loan could be paid off and also crucially, for control of the Augsburg state treasury. He also made investments in a particular Portuguese trip around the southern tip of Africa, along the way negotiating deals with princes, emperors and popes, reaping profits again and again. Sitting on top of the world indeed.

Still he preferred to work alone. As the decade of the 1490's proceeded, Fugger developed a rare partnership with one Johannes Thurzo. This man Thurzo, related to Ladislaus (through the Jagiello's of Poland) now the King of Hungary, was extended royal grants along the Carpathian mtns. allowing Fugger to put up the money to purchase lands there rich in copper. The consequent production system set in motion by Thurzo, a more sophisticated extraction, smelting and transport process, made Fugger one of the richest men in the world. By 1498 in the tail end of the decade, he had gained so much of the market that he flooded Venice with this metal and broke up and dismantled a number of competitors there. I'd like to see if this helped precipitate the fall of the Garzoni bank early the next year.

The copper shipments from Hungary extended into the Baltic and North Seas. In November 1510, a Dutch ship set off from Danzig full of Fugger's copper. It was boarded and captured by agents of the Hanseatic League. The Hansa one of the most powerful of forces in Europe, were a storied association of men in cities and on boats that had held the monoploy of trade in the northern seas for centuries. This mercantile endeavor set cities and kingdoms against each other to reap profit as well as organize the largest fairs and trading festivals from Novgorod to Bruges. They had built their maritime empire on herring and then cod, meanwhile branching out into timber and tin, furs and pepper, copper and silver.

It was then I wanted to learn about this well established, oft-times brutal, mercantile force and found a reprint of a quick read entitled The Hansa , first published in 1929. Full of seafaring tales and bitter rivalries, this bare, apologetic, almost monograph is doubled in length by mostly translated excerpts from texts from the various periods. Selections from Richard Hakluyt and John de Mandeville are set out as well as portions of the medieval maritime laws of Visby, items from the treaty of Stralsund, and lists of attacks by part-time pirates, once supported as Hansa agitators. Steinmetz in his book on Jacob Fugger has his exploits outshine and overwhelm the dominant Hansa. The older monograph by E. Gee Nash marks these difficulties for the Hansa as just one among many of the ups and downs in a long series of endeavors. Its selection of details in the translated sections can still reveal useful context. There have been several times I've wanted to post a number of these items here. It's too bad this book reads like it was produced as a popularizing pamphlet rather than real history. It suffers from that special blend of romantic sea urges full of daring-do set in larger type and spacing for encouraging high school boys at prep schools in the American 1920's, on behalf of their grandfathers.

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As the north was still building their various extractive and monopolizing economies and working its way in and out of endless conflict, the south was still fighting over land and titles and the opportunity to be heard. And for some, to let old voices be heard, to push for reform, and to reset or reinterpret old voices and old manuscripts in new ways. One of these sorts of explorers was Poggio Bracciolini, mentioned before. Famously, this papal notary and source of mostly reliable quips had also been one of the great book discoverers of the fifteenth century. Just a few years ago, Stephen Greenblatt of Harvard fame, an editor for the standardizing Norton English Literature and Norton Shakespeare tomes, released an overview uncovering the discovery of T. Lucretius' De Rerum Natura. Greenblatt calls it The Swerve (2011) and while ostensibly the subject and subtitle is 'How The World Became Modern', it spends only a few chapters on the content of Lucretius' once famous but also now obscure again, 1st c. BCE Latin poem describing his remarkable epicureanism.

Instead, most of Greenblatt's book explores the various methodological and environmental contexts by which this particular book of Lucretius was passed on, then rediscovered, and also, almost as an accidental by-product of the time, became its own issue when it was rediscovered and disseminated.

Like seeds spread by Love Herself, the elements would grow wings and speed, so filled with desire that they could attract and repel, at ease or all in a rush, each in its own nature, each toward its own end, each end begun a new becoming sprung. 

It was after I had remembered and ordered the modern day (20th c.) version of Lucretius in latin (with the intro and the commentary by Leonard and Smith), and had begun reading it ever so slowly, that a friend lent to me on impulse the relevant book of Greenblatt. Already I've sped through two-thirds of that so, more of Bracciolini's life and contexts will wind up here.

Already, three years ago I had promised to look more into the life of ser Bracciolini, and like so many other times, the more I looked, the more I found. For two of his contemporaries, one a famous critic, and the other, one of the most famous of the early Italian humanists, Bracciolini even makes mention of or, took time to publicly attack. Both have newly published works in blingual texts for english, in the 21st century by Harvard in the I Tatti Renaissance Library.

Correspondence (2013) of Lorenzo Valla includes letters both to and from this author. So it is this also provides the voices of a great many doers and thinkers, and a few other walks of life, over the decades across cultural Italy during the middle of the fifteenth century. On Exile (2013) has Francesco Filelfo composing a dialogue (c. 1445) with several members of exiled Florentine society taking part. The fact that this dialogue is a composed fiction that seems to purposefully not follow the motives or events discussed, adds even more interest. Not objective, not entirely factual, but instead intended as 'edifying'.

Additionally, the Dumbarton Oaks Medieval Library has seen fit to publish A New Herodotus (2014) in a bilingual text for english along with a companion volume to provide much needed context for what should become an instant classic. Of course it won't, but it should, as it depicts the advance of the Ottoman Turk into Europe in the fifteenth century from a hitherto unacknowledged but excellent source.

There is a new biography of Martin Luther (2017) by Lyndal Roper I've just begun that looks absorbing.

There are several letters appealing for unbiased ears, and a crafty dialogue in Apologetic Writings (2015) by Girolamo Savonarola, also published thru the I Tatti Renaissance Library.
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Several works of fiction have made it to the top of a pile that has fallen over so many times that I couldn't avoid it anymore. So this year I told myself I'd read as many as I could. With these following books, some 1400 pages of fiction have crossed my eyes, so slow, with only half of the Blas de Robles book still left to see. Books that travel, think, explore.

The First I saw and began last year was an uncorrected proof of Charlie Smith's Ginny Gall (2016). It arrived in a donation bag at the local homeless shelter (and where it was returned to and now sits on the shelf awaiting another reader). Abundant in flora, bursting with emotion, painful and still sublime, both slick and sandy, this internal, swirling travelogue takes us with a young African-American male from Chattanooga, TN to the rails and America, through the depression years, and to prison for a crime he did not commit, and back. Heartbreaking, vicious, plaintive, mature, immediate, the visions this book conjures swell all senses and mocks the jailer, the owner, the censor, the judge. Pine trees that weep with compassion, Magnolia that bloom, dripping with a wary, still heavy sense of cautionary alarm, begging for a breeze to send such compressed desires aloft.

Translated from the French in 2011, Where Tigers Are At Home was originally published in a French edition 2006 by Jean-Marie Blas de Robles. It and its author won the Prix Medicis prize for literature in 2008. This prize is awarded to authors 'whose fame does not yet reach their talent'. This 800 plus page fiction intertwines several very different strands of action in modern day northern Brazil and intercuts them with what acts like eye-witness accounts of the travels and exploits of the famous seventeenth century Jesuit inventor and polymath Athanasius Kircher. There is the group of geologists heading inland, upriver to capture and document what is hoped to be a missing link between Africa and South America. There is the bitter wife of the arrogant governor who stuffs her emotions with alchohol, always seeking an ally or a ladder to climb out of her brutal husband's tightening circles. There is the despairing, cycnical french correspondent whose wife has left and whose daughter and her friends are running from debt and responsibility at a full gallop into hedonism and uncivil pleasure. A wandering woman shares the correspondent's interest in Kircher and in his research. He likes the bounce in her skirt and her quick ripostes, but she knows more than she lets on. There are the locals in a small village where a jet plane has crashed in the middle of the night. The correspondent's wife did go on that geology float. That expedition at first looks like a modernized African Queen tale, but it gets ambushed by bandits with machine guns, and those left still alive are cut off from any contact with the outside world. The governor's son is also on that float trip.

Thomas Pynchon's latest novel The Bleeding Edge (2013) is set in the New York City year of 2001. At the height of the dot-com financial bubble and amidst real estate and impenetrable virtual reality shifts, Maxine Tarnow, a loan-fraud investigator with courage to spare, tries to find out the eternal question, what just happened? Complex, ever-shifting, the backdrop and cast of characters speed by like credit card swipes at a peep show stealing a looksee in on the future. Or, set in 2001 New York, it still seems before it's time - like ghosts coming up to us and whispering the truth softly, gently ... and then, handed a corndog on a stick and slipping naturally onto a just-arrived child's carousel horse, with no visible wheels or locomotive possibilities, zips off down the street blaring some other generation's showtune. Echoes of which bounce back off of windowpanes, taco trucks and the gleam of receding taxi rearwindows.

In the last month I've also just read the last hundred pages of James Joyce's Ulysses. Again. These bits of review and crit should continue as I read more of modern fiction over time.

Tuesday, June 20, 2017

Savonarola: Epistula Ad Papam Alexandrum VI, 20May1497

A week after word about the excommunication of Savonarola the Dominican friar had arrived, and just under a month before it was publicly read out in Florence, the friar quickly penned a letter to the pope who had sent the breve. He had previously sent out a detailed work answering statements of purpose for the reorganization of the Lombard Congregations, set as an apology for the Congregation of Brothers of San Marco in Florence. He would also pen a letter 'Against the Sentence of Excommunication'  to numerous unnamed individuals which encouraged the continued work of reform and which countered the papal accusations. This was based on ideas inherit in and while extensively quoting the noted fifteenth century reformer Jean Gerson. This would be sent in the month of June. Savonarola was also putting the final touches on his book The Triumph of the Cross which he said would explain 'without any doubt' what they were doing at San Marco and why.

The quick letter to Pope Alexander VI, dated May 20, 1497 immediately starts with a number of defensive questions. Why are you angry? What have I done? This then leads to accusing Savonarola's antagonists, those who gave false information to the pope. Quoting Psalms 21:17, he claims, "Many dogs have surrounded me, a company of malicious men besets me."

The accusations against him he says have been refuted by his own very words which have also been printed accurately and widely disseminated 'by booksellers and printers'. If not by his word, then certainly, these written pieces should be enough to exonerate him.
"Let them be obtained, let them be read, let them be examined whether there is anything whatsoever that offends my lord's Holiness, as they have so often claimed, falsely. Can it be that I said one thing publicly and wrote another? I want to disprove the charges with the most public response possible. What is the sense in it? What is the purpose? What kind of unhinged mind would come up with such an allegation?" [iv, 1]
 Next, Savonarola states his own belief that there is one Florentine friar in particular who may have turned the pope against him. Fra Mariano da Genazzano (1412-98) was an Augustinian preacher that often spoke out vehemently against Savonarola during his ascendancy. During an Ascenscion Day sermon in 1491, Genazzano had devolved into an ad hominem attack on Savonarola and was soon forced to leave the city. It was he that went to Rome and in time began speaking to the new Pope about the trouble this Dominican friar from Ferrara was stirring.

Turning again his point of attack, Savonarola asks in the letter,
 "... what kind of conscience does that highflying preacher there with you accuse blameless me of the crime of which he himself is the guiltiest of all?"
There are witnesses, of course, that Savonarola knows who could testify that this informer Genazzano was raging at other times against His Holiness. And Savonarola had refuted 'his insolence' then. For,
"... it is not right to assail the smallest person, how much less a prince and pastor of sheep! Who is so demented as not to know that? God willing, I am not yet so stupid as to forget myself; and for no purpose, in no dealings, on no occasion would I knowingly dare to challenge or scorn the Vicar of Christ on earth, who especially ought to be obeyed." [iv, 2]
In conclusion, he claims he has preached or done nothing against the faith or the Catholic Church - 'heaven forbid!'. So he pleads, 'don't wish for the wicked and envious'. First he should 'adhere to the faith'. But further, he warns, if 'human assistance fails', he (Savonarola) will then tell the world of their 'impious iniquity', until God willing they repent. This friar does not seem to ask for forgiveness but then, in the very next sentence, he claims, 'I commend myself most humbly to Your Beatitude.' And, 'humilis filiolus et servus frater', humble son and little friar.

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Savornarola, Girolamo: Apologetic Writings; ed. and trans. in english , by M Michele Mulchahey, for The I Tatti Renaissance Library (ITRI); by The President and Fellows of Harvard College, USA 2015

Thursday, June 15, 2017

A Death In The Borgia Family: June 14, 1497

In Rome, a secret consistory was held where the pope made his son Juan of Aragon into the Duke of Gandia and gave him investiture of a new principality. The Duchy of Benevento, Terracina and Pontecorvo was created and which included the 'lands all about' in the region to the north and east of Naples. This present which only gained insistent resistance from Cardinal Piccolomini, was soon and rather easily granted by the twenty-six cardinals that Johann Burchard said were present for the vote that day on June 7, 1497. Two days later, in another secret meeting, the pope's other son, already a Cardinal, Cesare Borgia was officially made legate to the pope and given the task of placing a crown on Don Federigo, the Prince of Altamura, as the new King of Naples.

Through the day of June 15, Rodrigo grew increasingly worried and then lost all hope when Juan had not returned from one last night out in Rome before leaving to take up his new lands. He had gone and eaten dinner with his brother and his mother Donna Vanozza the night before on the 14th, according to Burchard. He also says a masked man had accompanied them there and then left with the Duke when the brothers parted ways after the dinner, with an understanding they would travel south together next day. This did not transpire.

When Juan did not show up in the morning of the fifteenth word was sent out to go collect him and bring him back to the Vatican. Reports kept coming back that the young duke could not be found. Eventually, 'after the hour of Vespers, or a little before', his body was found fully clothed in the Tiber River with his purse still attached to him and with 30 ducats still in it. He had nine stab wounds all over his body. He was placed in a boat which was sent to Castel San'Angelo. There, Burchard's colleague Don Bernardino Gutteri, quickly stripped, washed and clothed the body in military costume. Then it was taken about six o'clock, 'by members of his own household' to the Church of Santa Maria del Popolo. Burchard says about one hundred and twenty torch bearers led the procession along with palace ecclesiastics, chamberlains, shield bearers, 'marching slowly and in great disorder'.

Pope Alexander VI, the young Duke's father shut himself into his inner rooms for days and wailed and wept. The mystery over who had done this would deepen and gain many different motives, conspirators, and troubling theories. At first the pope wanted a thorough investigation but his ardor for evidence cooled as time went on. For many this pointed the finger at the Duke's brother Cesare Borgia, but the truth has never been definitively discovered.

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pp. 143-47, Johann Burchard: At The Court of the Borgia translated for english, with introduction by Geoffrey Parker, The Folio Society, Ltd, 1963




Wednesday, May 31, 2017

Papal Breve Sent Marking Savonarola As Excommunicated: later May 1497

There was a delay in the spring of 1497 between the issuance of the papal breve marking friar Girolamo Savonarola of the Dominican Congregation at San Marco in Florence as an excommunicant, and its public reception there. The brief was signed by the Borgia Pope on May 12/13 that year but was read out from the pulpits of the five most important churches in Florence only as late as June 18. There were several reasons for such a delay about such an important declaration. While his enemies in other congregations would begin circulating the story, the central figures of Florentine government would find other ways to delay the reading in order to dampen the already out of bounds strains and tensions revolving around 'the little friar'.

The pope had chosen Giovanvittorio da Camerino to deliver this breve to the major churches in Florence. This was the same man who earlier that year, in March, after thunderously preaching against Savonarola there, the city chose to imprison him and then officially throw him out of the city as an exile. Now, while anxious to get back and deliver this supreme opinion from his superior Holiness in Rome, when Giovanvittorio arrived as near as Siena, he stopped. There he decided to draft letters to the Eight and the Signory in Florence requesting safe conduct. For people exiled from the City this was a regular practice. He didn't want to be imprisoned in Florence again for delivering even this message (this time of excommunication), but was duty bound to fulfill his charge from the Most Holy See. He could explain to the Signoria he had a duty to fulfill and as such should be given this opportunity to deliver his message without any harm coming to him. Giovanvittorio sat and waited for a month in Siena instead.  [p. 168] It is Weinstein that claims Camerino waited in Siena for a month before even these letters asking for safe conduct were sent.

The City leaders heard the news anyway as did many of the congregations there in Florence. The leaders debated what to do and Savonarola's enemies fanned the flames of incitement. Savonarola, after the Ascension Day upset wrote, crafting letters for his brethren, to the pope and for his defense. But the Signoria gave no promise of safe-conduct for Giovanvittorio da Camerino.

from Martines, Lauro: Fire In The City: Savonarola and the struggle for the soul of Renaissance Florence ; Oxford University Press, New York, 2006 


Friday, May 12, 2017

May Dates 1497: Florence, A City In Turmoil

Though heavy rains reportedly had kept the forces and allies of Piero de Medici from breaching the walls of Florence on April 28, this was just one event of many that serially jolted the city and its people from one extreme to another that spring. The following week Friar Savonarola had been allowed to give the Ascension Day sermon on May 4, but that had turned into a circus of another set of events, sending partisans, clerics and the public reeling. News from Rome trickled in after a couple more weeks of the papal breve marking (May 13) Savonarola as an excommunicate, but the messenger was not even allowed to enter the city, so that the public declaration could be postponed. Meanwhile a new vote on May 12 granted new opportunities for more people to seek public office in Florence, creating a strange but temporary coalition that better shows the very fluid nature of the City's politics.

It was a pivotal moment in the central channels of these tumultuous times in Florence. The city was abandoned to its own problems at last without allies and with many adversaries all round. Under attack on many fronts as well, Savonarola was very busy. In addition to the Lenten sermons that year culminating in the famous and undelivered sermon of Ascension Day which turned into an upset, the friar had been putting the finishing touches on his Triumph of the Cross. He had also revised and sent out an Apology for the Brothers of the Congregation of San Marco earlier in the year. The day following the disastrous upheaval in the sacristy itself on Ascension Day, the Signoria banned all preaching until further notice. Without this outlet, by May 8, Savonarola penned another, "A Letter to All the Elect of God and Faithful Christians". When he had recieved a copy for the pope's breve of excommunication, he wrote a reply dated May20. Meanwhile matters in the city had reached a fever pitch.


Saturday, April 29, 2017

april news 2017

Today I'll simply post today's tweets. Or most of them. And only a couple more.

But let's start by marking the birth day of another great American.

Even though we lost another great in April.
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This is happening to an even greater degree and still hardly anybody mentions it.
Massive protests in Venezuela intensify throughout this month.
There is a tumult in Macedonia.
There is a nationwide strike as well in Brazil paralyzing traffic and commerce.
A famous American reminds us to also remember how not to do things.
French candidate Marine Le Pen takes another turn to the far right, and looks to alienate more voters.
Massive marches  were widely reported all over the world on behalf of the international climate. Here, a CNN timelapse shows the many who showed up to march today in the sweltering humid heat in DC.

No less an authority than Scientific American can claim things are changing.
Also, this sexy thing came out this month.

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Much of the news in the US continues to swirl around what the Trump White House has done or is doing. Simple things like where he is, and, how often he takes off to his resort in Florida on the weekends. Just two weeks ago reports of the 'mother of all bombs', a US GBU-43, was dropped in Eastern Afghanistan in order to combat Daesh or the IS. People at the time thought it made him seem decisive, showing executive authority. A BBC report talks to local Afghani sceptics.
An apt portrait of today's Congressional dysfunction.

There is still an FBI Investigation of international scope concerning the campaign of President Trump. It's not a good look for a sitting president. Not at all.

Wednesday, April 26, 2017

Bembo Tells of War Against Trivulzio For Milan: early 1497

If there was any question, it was military exploits that outnumbered by far any others as chronicled by Pietro Bembo for the winter of 1497 . Indeed, any of those concerning domestic issues, natural disasters, religious festivals or, rhetorical contests remain absent. Skirmishes in Lombardy are detailed instead, with several castles and towns taken and recovered, along with the progress, and then, withdrawal of Giangiacomo Trivulzio, who, during the war had come under the protection of and then began acting for the interests of Charles of France. A sea battle including cannons follows with an exciting tale of boarding at sea by flying grappling hooks amidst flaming crossbows hurling pitch across open water. And all this outside Livorno to deliver winter rations for starving Pisans. There was also the sad story of the inabilities of the young Lord of Faenza, Astorte Manfredi [iii,61]. Other sad stories of his family are found here and here.

Without getting mired in details, Giangiacomo Trivulzio born of a famed family in Milan, broke ranks with Ludovico Sforza, the acting Duke there since the war and had gone over to help the French. When news over winter had come in to Venice that Trivulzio was marshalling troops again across the Alps, Bembo says, the League members got together and asked for help in mounting a counterforce. This anecdote involving so many actors and places and missives and diplomats is also helpful in showing who were the allies and who these were allied against in this point of the war, just before the ceasefire struck with the French by February 25, 1497. The papal forces hired from Rome aren't mentioned by Bembo in this season.

It is Bembo's claim that King Charles promised Giuliano della Rovere control of both Genoa and Savona, and for Trivulzio both Alessandria and Tortona, if they could just return over the Alps and take them. The legates of the allies swiftly called up 3000 stradiots in response. In addition, a Genoese dissident Gianluigi Fieschi was called on and paid to not cause trouble there. Immediately, 300 heavy cavalry and 300 light horsemen were sent to Ludovico in Milan to aid him. These were sent with Vincenzo Valier, as chosen by the Senate to oversee matters and act as proveditor and paymarshall.

Bembo also tells us that Trivulzio's army included 'those he led from France, calling those from Saluzzo and Helvetica'.  From nearby Asti, Cardinal Giuliano led 6000 to Savona to be ready [iii,62].

Venice ordered ships to bring grain for Pisa, sent others toward Savona, and called troops up from Pisa. These were sent to support the rest of the league allies outside Savona, and engaged with Cardinal Giuliano's forces there and drove them back [iii,63]. Another Orsini was called up by the Senate as well as Bernardino Fortebraccio da Montane in order to lead the fight and be set to join Francesco Gonzaga. Two more were selected as well to act as proveditors, Niccolo Foscarini and Andrea Zancani. When these men arrived in Milan, Ludovico Sforza had a proclamation announced publicly declaring whatever these men ordered should be obeyed by the people. This is the history after all that Venice would like to remember.

Trivulzio tried to take Castellazzo with bombardments but was repulsed by Venetian light cavalry and fell back. Withdrawing further he abandoned 'a number of Ludovico's fortresses' previously taken, but then took Bergamasco and massacred everyone in it. On the other hand, three miles from Novara, the town of Montalto Pavese was taken by Venetian and Milanese forces and plundered and burned [iii,64].

The grain convoy headed to the mouth of the Arno was met by Florentine ships and a great sea battle ensued. The Venetian captain,
"... turned toward the Florentine ships, and driving on his oarsmen with great spirit he rammed the prow of his ship into the side of the enemy warship. Both vessels shuddered with the impact as they crashed against one another, while the enemey cast a grappling hook onto the captain's ship and held it fast. Hand-to-hand fighting ensued, extremely fierce on both sides and with weapons of every sort, but the enemy soldiers could launch their missiles at the Venetians from higher up and so found them easy to injure. Then they began to throw balls of burning pitch onto the galley, something which was a great setback for the captain when a large number of thwarts and the mainsail itself caught fire." [iii, 66]
This battle raged for four hours. But the grain supply got through to Pisa. [iii,67]

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from Pietro Bembo: History of Venice; edited and translated by Robert W Ulery, Jr.; in english and latin, for The I Tatti Renaissance Library; by The President and Fellows of Harvard College, USA 2007

Friday, March 31, 2017

what's it for? thus far

Five years ago I started setting down things that I'd read and found telling or, exemplary or, demonstrative or, artful. Since then, after some five-hundred posts, some long, some technical, some breezy, a very few very short ones, several projects or series, stretching over time and multiple posts, intersecting with others, several lists can be made. 

Over the last five years nearly sixty spots surfaced in the month of March. One fourth of those looked at current news. A dozen topics come from the diarist Marin Sanudo or revolve around his curious Venetian outlook. Another twelve posts review the early Spanish in Mexico from primary sources, also in translation. Six more stories that can be found from or about different women spring into view, as well as a general introduction to the concept. Seems a shame the very topic needs to be re-introduced. Another half dozen look at some of Columbus' troubles on his first and second voyages to the Caribbean. Only a couple are shorter collections or excerpts of other, different, longer strands, or, placemarkers for some organizational habit. 
There are stories of marches and wars, of Feasts, fires, captures, shipwrecks, schoolgirls, beer brewers, pilgrims. Famous people, failures, baldface lies. And that's just March. Go find it here, or here, here, and here.
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For more examples of what I've done here, there are also drafts of posts that look like the following clump, spilling hyperlink goo for its own connective webbiness. And in this example, all links to quotes are cited from Sanudo's Diaries, which were translated and then published by Johns Hopkins at long last in the current century not ten years ago. It was this book in 2011 that was such an encouragement in that I might learn so much more about the period.

wed to the sea: reference info for fleet to Syria and eastern grain shipments, April 12, 18, 1499

recruiting captain Grimani during Ottoman war April 21, 1499

story of Captain Calbo April, 1505

Ambassador Stella returns from France October 21, 1498

death of a corsair: 1500; birth of a map

Gritti In Constantinople July, 1499
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Four years ago in March, also in a draft, I remarked on what I was doing: What's it for?

I have turned more attention to my blog. It may not be to your liking, that is, it may not be compelling enough for you/your interests, or even, a wider contemporary audience. I'm quite ok with that. I also have no delusion that I am really doing anything new with it, as in, furthering these studies, like graduate/phd theses, etc. 
Instead, I am merely linking various at-hand rennaisance history stories to the calendar, but providing context for them along the way, and this from primary sources as well, as understood by today's accepted western scholarship. I don't go after the academic controversies at all, really, just report what seems the present consensus, mostly. The only subtext that runs throughout is the curious paralells between the responses people had in those times and in ours. I know that's controversial enough. And while it is not systematic, chronological, let alone, exhaustive by any stretch, it satisfies a need for me to have 'something' to show for my compulsion to know more about pasttimes and human nature, etc. I have always done this sort of thing, with different times, places. This time I write down my investigative journey online and approach it more like an evolving piece of art. A history mosaic. I also put news blogs 3-4 times a month there, providing more context of the observer, almost in situ. 
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Last year in a summary some other decent bits surfaced.

As a present-day news junkie, perhaps, the daily happenings of the premier maritime, mercantile city, at the center of geopolitics, with new technologies, publishings and word of everything else coming through town, in rapid-fire serial fashion, struck me as immensely rich in particular. The simplistic idea of what was happening in Venice on this day, begs the additional questions of which year and regarding what. These scratchings soon sprout and blossom before the eyes in arboreal splendour. For me this source was an easy way into that world, one which was already so well-documented and an easy one to get a sense of their relation to the ebbs and flow of time. ...

The sources are numerous, I wanted the recent ones and with so many sources I get lots of input as to what was happening all over Europe, how the war and everything else effected everything else, if not day to day at least week to week. But I can't keep up on everything, so I try to hit the high points of that topic, while simultaneously trying to get the larger and smaller perspectives from several places, authors or lenses. I see it as a bunch of meshing gears, the city-states, powers, motives, people, perspectives all engaging or disengaging, falling apart and coming together.

I also want to show in the blog as many aspects of the whole research project as possible. If some modern scholar gives excellent notes, or bibliographic info, I'll give direct example. If the flow of their narrative over chapters or paragraphs, seems artful or particularly clear, or helpful, I like to give example of that. If a description or elucidation of complex ideas strikes me as revealing in an author, that goes in. Variety in expression of form, style and substance regularly gets highlighted. Sometimes there's just notes. Less often are there sections that follow strict review patterns, but there are many summaries. There are innumerable, but light, seemingly parallel references to modern expressions, attitudes or news bits and trends, because there just are so many. People and circumstances remain what they are.

ἔργῳ δ᾽ ἐστὶ μεῖζον  λόγῳ. - Euripides

Thursday, March 23, 2017

Money and Sway: Extending Control Over Spanish Church

As time went by, the King and Queen in Greater Spain drew more and more power for themselves from all quarters. By mostly traditional means, they were able to gain influence and then decisive power over old alcaldes, with new ministers of justice, as well as over the Orders that could maintain security. In addition, these brought fresh and renewing revenue streams. This same method would be applied to the Church who was wealthy beyond measure. With the precedent set at Granada in controlling offices, appointments, and other directives, the Monarchs could then demand more than just a third of the revenue. And this precedent could be extended far beyond Spain into the New World as well. A quick sketch and some scattered quotes should suffice.

Three concessions by successive popes (Alex VI in 1493, Julius II in 1508, and Adrian VI in 1523), gave the greatest of clerical authority to the Spanish Crown concerning the affirs of the Church in Spain. These authorities grew especially in those Spanish claimed lands in South and Central America. As Elliott puts it,
"In the New World... the Crown was absolute master, and exercised a virtually papal authority of its own. No cleric could go to the Indies without royal permission; there was no papal legate in the New World, and no direct contact between Rome and the clergy in Mexico or Peru; the Crown exercised a right of veto over the promulgation of papal bulls, and constantly intervened, through its viceroys and officials, in all the minutiae of ecclesiastical life." [p.102]
They had been granted the exclusive right to evangelize in the New World by Rodrigo Borgia, as Alex VI with his bull Inter caetera , as well as the right in 1501, for the Crown to perpetually keep tithes gathered for the Church in the western lands.

In 1508 Giuliano della Rovere, as pope Julius II, needed help against Venice. For this, Elliott tells us, he was willing to give up control of the presenting of Churchly benefices to the Spanish Crown. Though there would be fights on this very issue in various pockets of Greater Spain, this tool of extending benefices had already become a favorite for the King. A benefice could ensure loyalty. But providing an office that could be lucrative for the holder could also be lucrative for those bestowing it.

During the Reconquista of southern Spain, popes had granted bulls of cruzada allowing for the collection of indulgences from men, women and children. The very idea of it was the paying for the remission of sins, in order to finance a crusade against Spanish Moors, Ottoman Turks, or later, the locals who happened to live in Central America. In the sixteenth century this form of wealth extraction and its justification became very important to the Spanish Crown.

Yet it wasn't just wealth extraction that was important. The Spanish Church had its own internal problems that Queen Isabella worked to remedy as sovereign. Basic problems like absenteeism, and immorality wrestled with profligate concubinage among clerics with descendants commonly inheriting bishoprics and churchly estates, for eminence. [p. 103] First with the Jeronymite confessor Hernando de Talavera, then later with the austere Franciscan Jimenez de Cisneros, she would move to make both Granada Christian and Franciscans Observant.
"At a time when the desire for radical ecclesiastical reform was sweeping through Christendom, the rulers of Spain personally sponsored reform at home, thus simultaneously removing some of the worst sources of complaint and keeping firm control over a movement which might easily have got out of hand." [p.105]
The problems that pockets of Italy, much of Germany and all of Holland and England would suffer were greatly limited in Spain due to these actions from on high. This heavy hand of the Crown in Spain may have prevented troubles found elsewhere. But it also spawned the Inquisition.
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J.H. Elliott: Imperial Spain 1469-1716 : Penguin, NY, 2002