The earliest days of Giuliano della Rovere are obscure. He was born on December 15, but it's not certain which year. He was from a small town north-west of Genoa, Albissola where his obscure father Rafaello, and his mother Theodora reared him. His uncle, a Franciscan friar was the first to emerge from obscurity as, over the course of thirty years, became Minister General of the Order near the age of fifty, in 1462. Young Giuliano was probably sixteen. His mother, Caroline Murphy tells us, may have been Greek and thereby, plausibly, part of the great exodus from Constantinople in those years. It's odd that even for such famous popes as Francesco and Giuliano would become, we don't know for sure.
The uncle Francesco was an excellent preacher and quickly found himself in Rome, and made a cardinal, by Pope Paul II in 1467. When the pope died, four years later, Hibbert tell us that Rodrigo Borja had a hand in swaying the college of cardinals in their selection, on August 25 of the very same Francesco della Rovere. In turn, he quickly appointed his first set of cardinals, and young Giuliano and his cousin Pietro was among them.
Francesco was known as erudite, devoted to the virgin, even a bit austere, but as pope Sixtus IV he would accomplish much in his thirteen year tenure as pontiff. He had his favorites though. Notable was the elder cousin Pietro whom Francesco kept close in Rome. Francesco's favored sister Bianca had married a Riario, so her son Pietro Riario, in particular, was delighted at the opportunities that elevation from Liguria to the center of Rome could obtain. The fashion then was for great displays, a big party, big processions, marvelous shows, games and spectacles, and eventually buildings, as tastes and wealth grew. This is what Pietro found himself praised for. Giuliano was often sent out of town on various missions by the pope.
Giuliano as cardinal had been given the church of San Pietro in Vincoli to administer, but even here he knew he was a fifth wheel in the grand displayances of the city. After Giuliano had died, Michelangelo would finish his tomb there.
Instead, for a dozen years, Giuliano became one of the pope's chief fixers. He acted as judge and jury all over Italy. He settled rebellions, usurpations, disputed patrimony or estate problems, and came back and related it all to the pope. In February 1476, Giuliano was made Archbishop of Avignon, and was sent to France. There he spent over a year forging solid relations with the French court and helping to secure a lasting peace between the King of France and his cousin the brash Charles, Duke of Burgundy.
Pietro died in 1477, but not long after Giuliano returned to Rome, the pope selected seven more della Rovere cardinals. More cousins and a sixteen year old great nephew, Rafaello. So Giuliano returned in 1479, to France and spent three more years there.
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from pp 7-9 in Caroline P Murphy: The Pope's Daughter: the Extraordinary Life of Felice della Rovere ; Oxford University Press, New York, 2005
Thursday, January 30, 2014
Monday, January 27, 2014
Fire In Fundaco dei Tedeschi: Sanudo Diaries: January 27, 1505
In the night, Marin Sanudo tells us there was a great fire in what he called the Fundaco dei Tedeschi, or 'the German Warehouse'. Many groups, guilds as well as families had central entrepots for all their trade purposes. Even a few ethnic groups in time, would have their own.
The Germans had been here in this spot since the thirteenth century when they had established a house to maintain business - on the water - for their links with the eastern Meditteranean at the height of the crusades there. For any group of merchants to lose a great house in Venice could be devastating. Every kind of transaction occurred there, from payments and loans, as well as the many kinds of stores of goods and even, buillion stored was for them, the fruit of generations of work . The Germans were valued trade partners, as well, so people were willing to help and put people up until a new place could be built. But the setback weighed heavy on minds during a winter of bad news.
Sanudo Diaries: January 27, 1505 (6:126); "There was little damage to the things kept there since they were intent on getting their stuff out even before the doors were thrown open. Now the building is all burned, including the gold storerooms, etc. The Germans have found lodgings here and there. The entire following day it burned. Some who went to help were killed by a wall that collapsed. And together with the news from Coloqut..., it is an ill omen that the warehouse burned."
nedits: This refers to the lack of a return of the ships from Calcutta, India bearing pepper that year. The ships sent to Alexandria the prior October to pick up the yearly shipment had been somehow delayed. The details of the story would appear in the form of letters later, but for now there was gossip amid already much uncertainty. It was well understood now that this fire could cause problems with trade and shipments headed north, to Germany and her trade partnes, as well as those already delayed from the east.
Today, Bennetton owns it and wants to refurbish it. Here's a quick vimeo spot. It's worth mentioning that the interior here in this video has been much the same for centuries since this fire's replacement. It stayed the German Warehouse for all that time, only becoming a post office since 1939, the beginning of WWII.
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All quotes as Sanudo Diaries or Editor's notes from Venice, Cita Excellentissima, Selection from the Renaissance Diaries of Marin Sanudo translated by Linda L Carroll, editors: Patricia H LaBalme and Laura Sanguineti White, published by Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008
The Germans had been here in this spot since the thirteenth century when they had established a house to maintain business - on the water - for their links with the eastern Meditteranean at the height of the crusades there. For any group of merchants to lose a great house in Venice could be devastating. Every kind of transaction occurred there, from payments and loans, as well as the many kinds of stores of goods and even, buillion stored was for them, the fruit of generations of work . The Germans were valued trade partners, as well, so people were willing to help and put people up until a new place could be built. But the setback weighed heavy on minds during a winter of bad news.
Sanudo Diaries: January 27, 1505 (6:126); "There was little damage to the things kept there since they were intent on getting their stuff out even before the doors were thrown open. Now the building is all burned, including the gold storerooms, etc. The Germans have found lodgings here and there. The entire following day it burned. Some who went to help were killed by a wall that collapsed. And together with the news from Coloqut..., it is an ill omen that the warehouse burned."
nedits: This refers to the lack of a return of the ships from Calcutta, India bearing pepper that year. The ships sent to Alexandria the prior October to pick up the yearly shipment had been somehow delayed. The details of the story would appear in the form of letters later, but for now there was gossip amid already much uncertainty. It was well understood now that this fire could cause problems with trade and shipments headed north, to Germany and her trade partnes, as well as those already delayed from the east.
Today, Bennetton owns it and wants to refurbish it. Here's a quick vimeo spot. It's worth mentioning that the interior here in this video has been much the same for centuries since this fire's replacement. It stayed the German Warehouse for all that time, only becoming a post office since 1939, the beginning of WWII.
________________________________________________
All quotes as Sanudo Diaries or Editor's notes from Venice, Cita Excellentissima, Selection from the Renaissance Diaries of Marin Sanudo translated by Linda L Carroll, editors: Patricia H LaBalme and Laura Sanguineti White, published by Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008
Saturday, January 25, 2014
Caterina Sforza Attempts Domesticity On Own Terms: 1490-93
For nearly five years Caterina Sforza stayed in Forli. She kept her own captain there, in the largest, most impregnable fortress. There they stayed, in the center of things, where she could keep an eye on them. In her youth she had met botanists and scientists, doctors, alchemists, artists and engineers, architects had filled the halls in Rome. Now in Forli she grew gardens and herbs there in the summer, made composites and tinctures, 'distilling and concocting' for health and beauty. She would receive guests in Il Ravaldino and help the people. But she stayed with her new young lover there, raised her family and kept busy.
Early on, Elizabeth Lev tells us, January 23, 1491, a contingent of soldiers from Milan arrived in Forli to pay their respects to the new castellan. On a Sunday she tells us, to Caterina's 'intense pride and joy', young Giacomo was knighted and was henceforward to be known as Sir Giacomo. Caterina kept up public appearances but, in time the public knew as did her uncle the Duke in Milan and even Lorenzo de'Medici did. Her letters sung his praises but everyone knew her chosen match was not feasible in the larger scheme of things. [p. 164]
Even if they were to marry, he had nothing to offer her except what he was currently doing. He had no dowry, no family, no property or landholdings. No education, no connections, no prior loyalties. If he were killed, she'd be defenseless again. If she were killed, he would not be able to hold the fortress, let alone care for her children afterward. No familial support structure was available with extended groups of loyal family members to help manage things, if and when things turned desperate. Like she knew they could get.
That summer, Lev relates, the children grew sick. At last she and the kids went to Imola, away from the urban bustle and mosquitoes of Forli, to the 'better air' of the country. In time, Sir Giacomo could bear the separation no longer and left command of the fortress with his uncle and rushed to Caterina's side. By now, everyone knew. In September, they were invited to a neighboring town but were informed a trap lay in wait for them. The would be attackers - all but one - were rounded up and brought to her. They said they were defending the rightful claim to Forli for her son Ottaviano, the rightful Riario heir. She had their primary heirs brought and kept with their fathers and then, had all their money taken, their wives exiled and their homes destroyed. The one that got away escaped to Ferrara. Caterina wrote impassioned letters demanding his capture and return but Ercole d'Este would not respond. Finally a year later, Enea Viani was captured and imprisoned in Imola, but relations between Forli and Ferrara had soured. [p. 167]
In 1492, Caterina was pregnant and caught fever. She recovered, had a son and, Lev says, probably married Giacomo around this time. The boy named Bernardino was named in Caterina's will as being the product of a legitimate marriage, that she is also said to have admitted to on her deathbed. But at the time when she overheard a townsman had talked aloud in public about the legitimacy of her newborn son, Caterina had the man beaten so bad that he died. Others suffered the same punishment.
Springtime 1493 brought an embassy from Florence that would stay in Faenza to keep an eye on comings and goings. Most city-states had these witnesses and spokespeople to some degree, in as many places as possible. The times were particularly tense and loyalties could shift and be made to shift with the right forms of persuasion. Old fires relit under this or that aegis, this or that cause. The ambassador, Puccio Pucci left an account - now in the Florentine State Archive - of what he found, that is nearly photographic in Lev's expert retelling.
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all notes, pagination from Elizabeth Lev, The Tigress of Forli: Renaissance Italy's most courageous and notorious countess, Caterina Riario Sforza de'Medici : 2011, USA, Houghton, Mifflin, Harcourt Publishing Company
Early on, Elizabeth Lev tells us, January 23, 1491, a contingent of soldiers from Milan arrived in Forli to pay their respects to the new castellan. On a Sunday she tells us, to Caterina's 'intense pride and joy', young Giacomo was knighted and was henceforward to be known as Sir Giacomo. Caterina kept up public appearances but, in time the public knew as did her uncle the Duke in Milan and even Lorenzo de'Medici did. Her letters sung his praises but everyone knew her chosen match was not feasible in the larger scheme of things. [p. 164]
Even if they were to marry, he had nothing to offer her except what he was currently doing. He had no dowry, no family, no property or landholdings. No education, no connections, no prior loyalties. If he were killed, she'd be defenseless again. If she were killed, he would not be able to hold the fortress, let alone care for her children afterward. No familial support structure was available with extended groups of loyal family members to help manage things, if and when things turned desperate. Like she knew they could get.
That summer, Lev relates, the children grew sick. At last she and the kids went to Imola, away from the urban bustle and mosquitoes of Forli, to the 'better air' of the country. In time, Sir Giacomo could bear the separation no longer and left command of the fortress with his uncle and rushed to Caterina's side. By now, everyone knew. In September, they were invited to a neighboring town but were informed a trap lay in wait for them. The would be attackers - all but one - were rounded up and brought to her. They said they were defending the rightful claim to Forli for her son Ottaviano, the rightful Riario heir. She had their primary heirs brought and kept with their fathers and then, had all their money taken, their wives exiled and their homes destroyed. The one that got away escaped to Ferrara. Caterina wrote impassioned letters demanding his capture and return but Ercole d'Este would not respond. Finally a year later, Enea Viani was captured and imprisoned in Imola, but relations between Forli and Ferrara had soured. [p. 167]
In 1492, Caterina was pregnant and caught fever. She recovered, had a son and, Lev says, probably married Giacomo around this time. The boy named Bernardino was named in Caterina's will as being the product of a legitimate marriage, that she is also said to have admitted to on her deathbed. But at the time when she overheard a townsman had talked aloud in public about the legitimacy of her newborn son, Caterina had the man beaten so bad that he died. Others suffered the same punishment.
Springtime 1493 brought an embassy from Florence that would stay in Faenza to keep an eye on comings and goings. Most city-states had these witnesses and spokespeople to some degree, in as many places as possible. The times were particularly tense and loyalties could shift and be made to shift with the right forms of persuasion. Old fires relit under this or that aegis, this or that cause. The ambassador, Puccio Pucci left an account - now in the Florentine State Archive - of what he found, that is nearly photographic in Lev's expert retelling.
"Entering the throne room, he found Giacomo perched on a windowsill and wearing a fitted crimson silk jacket. His light brown hair fell in soft curls around his face and hung like tendrils over the collar. The sunlight illuminating him from behind bathed him in golden light and sparkled on the brocade mantle thrown carelessly over his shoulders. Caterina sat by him on a throne decorated with broad wings. Dressed in white damask silk, she looked like an angel, the porcelain glow of her face set off by the black scarf around her neck. "They seemed alone in the world," wrote the startled abassador, embarassed by his intrusion upon such an intimate moment." [pp. 168-9]The world outside was changing. The Spanish cardinal who had baptized young Ottaviano was now pope. The Spanish had also driven out the Moors from Granada. The young French King had assumed power and signed a peace treaty with it's old English foe. Closer to home, Lorenzo de Medici had died in 1492 and his son who took the helm of affairs there wasn't nearly as dynamic. Caterina's baby brother Gian Galeazzo was grown up, married to the grand-daughter of the King of Naples, who bore him a son. But her uncle, Ludovico still acting as Duke of Milan had married Beatrice, the daughter of the Duke of Ferrara, and her sister Anna Sforza had married the heir to the Duchy of Ferrara, Alfonso d'Este. These alliances would again shift local politics and increase the volatility of Italy on the world's stage. [p. 172]
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all notes, pagination from Elizabeth Lev, The Tigress of Forli: Renaissance Italy's most courageous and notorious countess, Caterina Riario Sforza de'Medici : 2011, USA, Houghton, Mifflin, Harcourt Publishing Company
Tuesday, January 21, 2014
Rodrigo Borja as Vice-Chancellor in Rome: Intro by Hibbert
This is merely a brief outline of the third chapter from The Borgias and their Enemies by Chris Hibbert (2008). I picked the third chapter to show here, as this is the extent - a full chapter - of which he spends on the career of Cardinal Rodrigo Borja as vice-chancellor of Rome. A job Borja was granted at the age of twenty-five (1456) and which he was to fill for five papacies and thirty-six years.
Flatly told, it was reported that Rodrigo was picked by Pius II for this powerful position upon his own accession to pope because of the young spanish cardinal's campaigning skills. But Rodrigo had many sources of income, not just in the offices or favors he could gain by official duies or proferrments in and around the court in Rome and beyond. He also, at that tender age, held the reins for three bishoprics in Spain, including those of Cartagena and Valencia, primary shipping ports for connections with Italy and in the other direction, beyond the Mediterranean Sea.
Hibbert gives a helpful quote from Jacopo Gherrardi da Volterra listing some of the benefices Rodrigo could benefit from: abbeys in Spain and Italy, also,the bishopric in Porto, Spain; the plates and pearls, the books of magnificent quality, the silk, the gold and embroideries, horse trappings, bed and clothes richness, more gold, and tapestries,and all seemed to flow to him. But little is mentioned as to what a vice-chancellor actually did.
Burchard says he was in charge of the datary as well as chairman of the entire administrative structure of the Vatican. Geoffrey Parker explains that all clerical bulls and official appeals were sent and came through the Datary and the office of the Chancery. Cardinal Rodrigo Borja controlled the official information flow to and from the Vatican for four decades before becoming pope.
Borja kept a pace at home that was a wonder for the age as well. He didn't marry but had numerous mistresses and mothers who eventually would live in his great palace in Rome. He fathered at least a dozen children, as cardinal, though he was not ordained a priest until 1468. Admonished early in his office under pope Pius II, Borja clearly had worked all that disagreement out by the time Sixtus IV had granted him the bishopric of Albano and the 'lucrative abbey of Subiaco.'
In May 1472 he was sent to Spain to normalize the wedding between consanguineous cousins, Ferdinand and Isabella and thus cement the alliance between the two states of Spain, Aragon and Castile. This he did with charm and grace and within fourteen months he sailed home with his job complete. Shipwrecked and taken to Pisa to recuperate, he met Vanozza dei Catanei who became mother to four of his children - he already had three - and who would continue to rear them while marrying other men. In 1483 Vanozza was moved out and his children were put into the care of his cousin Adriana who had married into one of the most powerful families in Rome, the Orsini. Again Rodrigo caught sight of another young woman, had her married - in 1489 to Adriani's stepson Orsino - and brought her nearer to his activities in Rome. Giulia Farnese became mother to a girl, Laura Borja.
It is widely thought that most noble houses of Europe are descended from cardinal Rodrigo Borja.
With the accession of pope Innocent VIII, Rome began to slip back into chaos again, according to Hibbert. Security could be more easily bought off and palaces became seen as potential hordes for looting. Murders and backstabbers popped up, as did snipers at rooftops. Throat slitting bandits waylaid carriages in transport. But cardinal Borja still preferred to walk the streets without a carriage or much of a guard. Into his sixties, he was well-liked.
So here a quick outline briefly summarized above. Hibbert spends twenty chapters and some 200 pages on Rodrigo's papacy of barely eleven years, and barely sixteen pages on the thrirty-six as vice-chancellor. I want more, it doesn't seem to do justice to the man and his gifts.
II. Career of cardinal Rodrigo Borja before papacy: ch 3
A. Accession to vice chancellory, it's benefits, pp 19-21
B. Quoted admonishment by Pius II to Borja for profligacy, pp 22-3
C. Easter 1462 reception of St Andrew skull and festivities, pp 23-4
D. Borja's palace in Rome, p 24-5
E. Death of Pius, Election of popes Paul II, Sixtus IV, pp 25-6
F. Character and Activities of Sixtus IV, pp 26-9
G. Borja leaves Rome for Spain, p 29
H. Borja has some illegitimate children, Sixtus sanctions them, pp 29-31
I. Borja has other family matters, pp 31-2
J. Death of Sixtus IV, election of Innocent VIII, pp 32-3
K. Borja's wealth, reputation, Rome's decline again, pp 33-5
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notes culled from, and pagination from, Christopher Hibbert and Mary Hollingsworth: The Borgias and Their Enemies , Harcourt Inc., Houghton Miflin, Harcourt, Orlando, FL 2008
news brief: mid-January 2014
The hardest news for me to take this week, and it came back like a wallop, was a short bit of analysis on a speech given late last week. It was the US Pres Obama's speech on 'limiting' the NSA/NDI and what they can and can't capture or use. The analysis at the link, squeezes out the most revealing bits of his speech and connects the dots, linking it with a quote from a speech by Martin Luther King Jr, who we celebrated Monday. The President all but said that the US should continue being the world's policeman. I know I never voted for that and also know that not many others would either, if it were properly explained.
Thailand s government declared itself in a state of emergency, after protests have engulfed the capital since November. The government has long vowed to go on with elections Feb 2, which the protestors have also vowed to stop. The protestors who represent most of the country are refusing to accede to any compromise or solution that the government tries as explosions and other disasters rock Bangkok.
The inquiries and political ramifications for New Jersey's Governor Chris Christie continue to expand following allegations his office withheld relief money to the city of Hoboken which was severely hit during the October 2012 superstorm Hurricane Sandy. US Federal prosecutors are subpoening his aides, the NY Port Authority and enlargening the investigation. Christie's Lieutenant Governor Kim Guadagno completely denies the assertions. Right-wing story molders refuse to acknowledge merits of the case.
Terrible chemical leak in West Virginia, makes local water unsafe to drink, cook with, or bathe in. Starting on the Elk River, upstream of the state capital Charleston, the chemical pollution began as a by-product of the coal processing industry. Leaked, uninspected tanks burst, allowing the chemical to flow directly into the Elk River, past the capitol and then flowed into the Kanawha River, then the Ohio River, and is now heading for Cincinnati, Ohio. Hundred of thousands of people have been effected. Ohio Representative and US Speaker of the House John Boehner has been taking $$ from coal industry for decades and refuses to look at regulating the industry. Also, the Ohio EPA rep resigns without comment.
What Are You Afraid Of? The Use of Fear Over Sovereignty For Security, a nyt oped by Peter Ludlow
Old right-wing playbook of 'divide and conquer' is backfiring, says, Robert Reich on Bill Moyers.
Ukraininan, Egyptian, Turkish protests increase again.
Thailand s government declared itself in a state of emergency, after protests have engulfed the capital since November. The government has long vowed to go on with elections Feb 2, which the protestors have also vowed to stop. The protestors who represent most of the country are refusing to accede to any compromise or solution that the government tries as explosions and other disasters rock Bangkok.
The inquiries and political ramifications for New Jersey's Governor Chris Christie continue to expand following allegations his office withheld relief money to the city of Hoboken which was severely hit during the October 2012 superstorm Hurricane Sandy. US Federal prosecutors are subpoening his aides, the NY Port Authority and enlargening the investigation. Christie's Lieutenant Governor Kim Guadagno completely denies the assertions. Right-wing story molders refuse to acknowledge merits of the case.
Terrible chemical leak in West Virginia, makes local water unsafe to drink, cook with, or bathe in. Starting on the Elk River, upstream of the state capital Charleston, the chemical pollution began as a by-product of the coal processing industry. Leaked, uninspected tanks burst, allowing the chemical to flow directly into the Elk River, past the capitol and then flowed into the Kanawha River, then the Ohio River, and is now heading for Cincinnati, Ohio. Hundred of thousands of people have been effected. Ohio Representative and US Speaker of the House John Boehner has been taking $$ from coal industry for decades and refuses to look at regulating the industry. Also, the Ohio EPA rep resigns without comment.
What Are You Afraid Of? The Use of Fear Over Sovereignty For Security, a nyt oped by Peter Ludlow
Old right-wing playbook of 'divide and conquer' is backfiring, says, Robert Reich on Bill Moyers.
Ukraininan, Egyptian, Turkish protests increase again.
Sunday, January 19, 2014
Bernardino de Cupis, maestro di casa of A Fifteenth c. Italian Cardinal
Early on in her biography, Caroline P Murphy lets us in on the activities of a maestro di casa in Italy in the middle of the last millenia. On the one hand, she relates, Bernardino de Cupis married a woman who had given birth to a baby, fathered by a cardinal of the church. On the other, Bernardino ran a huge house that was not his own. He was a first class servant in Rome, running the household affairs of cardinal Girolamo Bossa who was cousin to Giuliano della Rovere - the future pope Julius II - and who was also made cardinal by their uncle, pope Sixtus IV.
Unlike Cardinal Borja, who kept all his children in his own household, Giuliano della Rovere allowed his only daughter to be raised in the home of a servant to his cousin, so long as he married her mother. But this servant acting as stepfather to young Felice was no mere servant and had more duties than many. This is where Murphy turns to an excellent near contemporary source to give a quick look around and provide quite a revealing view into what the duties of a maestro di casa were. Lucky for us as it's almost relatable on a human scale. A maestro di casa was like a major domo, something like the Mr Carson character on the popular pbs series Downton Abbey, but with architectural ambitions.
Murphy refers to a handbook published in 1598 by Cesare Evitascandalo that details 380 points of reference for such a maestro. She lists there was both the organizational structure of a big house that such a maestro should maintain and how to deal with each post in his chain, and also, that he had requirements to fulfill for each of the sesonal and religious festivals. Including, of course, down to what clothes the cardinal should wear on what day. And "... what to do when the cook is drunk." But he had more specific duties to his master in addition to being head of the house. True, she says, he was in charge of gaining and storing and using all foodstuffs, even for horses. But he also needed to know someone who could explain who was involved when foul deeds fell out as they occurred around the notable personages in the court and around the offices in Rome. He also had to be able to speak for his master when he was out, and to stand by his word as, and when, he knew his master would. And in the way that he would. Discretion and loyalty were valuable tools.
Murphy tells us he grew up in Montefalco, a small Franciscan town, due north, perched in the mountains of Umbria . He had a good enough education, she notes, to get a job as a top-level bureaucrat in Rome, who she says, ran the place. He had settled in Rome by 1462. "The bureaucrats were the men who ran Rome; they had all the connections they needed to receive tips, advice and bribes that allowed them a more than comfortable existence." [p. 15] But, for he and his peers, not so much power as to attract 'rivals seeking to topple them.'
Bernardino de Cupis followed his master's lead. Since the cardinal, Girolamo Basso liked magnificent displays in architecture and monuments, so did he and he spent money on making these constructions possible. They were beautifying the city under Sixtus IV and while Innocent VIII was pope (1484-92), cardinal Giuliano della Rovere was one of the most active cardinals in the college setting up other city works.
When Bernardino agreed to marry Lucrezia the mother of little Felice, he was paid a dowry that went into the house Bernardino was building, on the Piazza Navona. This is where Felice likely grew up. He had the opportunity because of his place and awareness of the city - and the pope's recent bull allowing 'investors' - to easily buy up a number of properties for rennovation and for himself, built a new landmark that would be praised by Francesco Albertini in the next century. [p, 17]
Murphy explains he was also called away in the 1480's, to lands that cardinal Girolamo was bishop in the northeastern coastal region of Italy, called the Marche. Time and again he would serve so well they gave Bernardino high praise for his services. [p, 16]
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notes and pagination from Caroline P Murphy: The Pope's Daughter: the Extraordinary Life of Felice della Rovere ; Oxford University Press, New York, 2005
Unlike Cardinal Borja, who kept all his children in his own household, Giuliano della Rovere allowed his only daughter to be raised in the home of a servant to his cousin, so long as he married her mother. But this servant acting as stepfather to young Felice was no mere servant and had more duties than many. This is where Murphy turns to an excellent near contemporary source to give a quick look around and provide quite a revealing view into what the duties of a maestro di casa were. Lucky for us as it's almost relatable on a human scale. A maestro di casa was like a major domo, something like the Mr Carson character on the popular pbs series Downton Abbey, but with architectural ambitions.
Murphy refers to a handbook published in 1598 by Cesare Evitascandalo that details 380 points of reference for such a maestro. She lists there was both the organizational structure of a big house that such a maestro should maintain and how to deal with each post in his chain, and also, that he had requirements to fulfill for each of the sesonal and religious festivals. Including, of course, down to what clothes the cardinal should wear on what day. And "... what to do when the cook is drunk." But he had more specific duties to his master in addition to being head of the house. True, she says, he was in charge of gaining and storing and using all foodstuffs, even for horses. But he also needed to know someone who could explain who was involved when foul deeds fell out as they occurred around the notable personages in the court and around the offices in Rome. He also had to be able to speak for his master when he was out, and to stand by his word as, and when, he knew his master would. And in the way that he would. Discretion and loyalty were valuable tools.
Murphy tells us he grew up in Montefalco, a small Franciscan town, due north, perched in the mountains of Umbria . He had a good enough education, she notes, to get a job as a top-level bureaucrat in Rome, who she says, ran the place. He had settled in Rome by 1462. "The bureaucrats were the men who ran Rome; they had all the connections they needed to receive tips, advice and bribes that allowed them a more than comfortable existence." [p. 15] But, for he and his peers, not so much power as to attract 'rivals seeking to topple them.'
Bernardino de Cupis followed his master's lead. Since the cardinal, Girolamo Basso liked magnificent displays in architecture and monuments, so did he and he spent money on making these constructions possible. They were beautifying the city under Sixtus IV and while Innocent VIII was pope (1484-92), cardinal Giuliano della Rovere was one of the most active cardinals in the college setting up other city works.
When Bernardino agreed to marry Lucrezia the mother of little Felice, he was paid a dowry that went into the house Bernardino was building, on the Piazza Navona. This is where Felice likely grew up. He had the opportunity because of his place and awareness of the city - and the pope's recent bull allowing 'investors' - to easily buy up a number of properties for rennovation and for himself, built a new landmark that would be praised by Francesco Albertini in the next century. [p, 17]
Murphy explains he was also called away in the 1480's, to lands that cardinal Girolamo was bishop in the northeastern coastal region of Italy, called the Marche. Time and again he would serve so well they gave Bernardino high praise for his services. [p, 16]
__________________________________________
notes and pagination from Caroline P Murphy: The Pope's Daughter: the Extraordinary Life of Felice della Rovere ; Oxford University Press, New York, 2005
Friday, January 17, 2014
Wedding of Doge's Granddaughter Begins : Sanudo Diaries: January 16-17, 1525
Early in 1525, doge Andrea Gritti's grand-daughter got married. The festivities lasted ten days. A number of exceptional things were done in Venice for this very grande but out of season, celebration. On the day before was the official betrothal audience required, according to custom where the bride-to-be officially meets the groom's extended family. On the folllowing day, January 17, 1525, a dance was held in the Ducal Palace, which as a public celebration held on state property, almost never happened.
Sanudo Diaries: January 17, 1525; (37:447): "No meetings were held after dinner because the Ducal Palace was the site of a party for the betrothal celebrations. Women were being received in the upper room where the Senate meets, and people were dancing. A very large number of women attended; in the evening the supper tables were prepared and the dividing partition was removed to create more space.... It was a most elegant dinner, with pine-nut cakes, partridges, pheasants, baby pigeons, and other dishes. And although more guests appeared than were expected, each one had enough to eat. The compagnie responsible were the Ortolani; ser Dolfin Dolfin was lord of the feast, nor was there any activity beside the dancing. The party concluded at eight hours past sunset, and not without a rain that ended days and months of drought, a good sign that this ceremony is taking place in a time of abundance." p. 298
Women were shockingly allowed into the Ducal Palace, and they danced. Outrageous. Viena was the bride's name. The groom was of the Contarini family. The actual marriage would take place on the 25th of January.
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Sanudo Diaries from Venice, Cita Excellentissima, Selections from the Renaissance Diaries of Marin Sanudo translated by Linda L Carroll, editors: Patricia H LaBalme and Laura Sanguineti White, published by Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008
Thursday, January 16, 2014
Felice della Rovere's Birth and Early Years: 1483-92
One way to tell the story of the advancement of Cardinal Rodrigo Borja to the papal seat in 1492 would be to tell it thru the lens of one of Borja's chief antagonists, Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere. The two men were similar in a number of ways, however, as both of them had illegitimate children as cardinals, both had been appointed cardinal by an uncle who was pope and, both would be pope at the end of their lives. The one would follow the other, and both would be blamed for fomenting disunity inside and encouraging one form of foreign invasion or another from outside the region, into Italy itself.
That view of Giuliano dellla Rovere is deftly told in Caroline P Murphy's recent biography of Felice della Rovere, The Pope's Daughter. An Oxford publication from 2005, the author had to do more detective work in sketching the contours of this woman's life, 'teasing out' likely occurrences and consequences from available materials. For instance, Murphy says that we can guess - probably correctly - that young Felice was sent to Savona some time after or around the time vice-chancellor cardinal Rodrigo became the second Borja pope in Italy. For one thing, she argues, it was common for people in positions of power to have their children taken as hostages, in those times, in Rome [p. 30]. And this new pope Alexander VI - our cardinal Borja - was one that Felice's father, Giuliano could plausibly guess, was not above such extortion. Murphy also explains how later in life, the warmth between an older Felice with her actual mother and siblings testifies strongly to an earlier time spent with them, presumably in Rome in the years after Felice's birth.
Indeed Felice's mother Lucrezia Normanni was a Roman woman, who grew up in and had family from the Trastevere neighborhood just south of the Tiber in Rome. Knowing this, when paired with the knowledge that the Genoese and Savonans lived also in Trastevere, makes likely a meeting between cardinal della Rovere and Lucrezia here, around the likely time of Felice's birth.
Like many people in Rome, Lucrezia was from an old family, noble in name but not in recent prestige or wealth. Murphy says it is possible that her family encouraged her to tarry with the pope's nephew somehow after Giuliano's return from France - again, probably 1483, the supposed year of Felice's birth. Maybe, Murphy says, Lucrezia felt compelled by this promising cardinal somehow. We simply don't know if they had a lasting relationship or not, nor pin for certain the year of Felice's birth [p.10].
What we do know is that the young mother was married to one Bernardino de Cupis, the maestro de casa - a kind of head butler - to one of Giuliano's cousin cardinals, Girolamo Basso della Rovere. This was actually quite common, but still significant in that the mother was not shamed or ignored, that the baby was not sent to a local orphanage. Rodrigo Borja, for instance, the vice-chancellor in Rome at the time had a number of illegitimate children . But they were taken from the mother and raised in his own household, with the famous former mistress Vannozza. Not only was this young girl Felice, raised in another, though nearby home, but she was raised with the knowledge that she was in fact Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere's daughter. Maestro de Cupis lived in a grand palazzo on the Piazza Navona in Rome just across from the giant clerical hub of Sant Agnes in Agone [p. 17].
The center of Rome was where young Felice would grow up, in the great house of a secular servant of the church. Bustling streets she could see from the windows, people coming and going, sometimes of great importance in the great hall or at the great doorway. It was a time of great growth and dynamism in this neighborhood as popes and their servants tried to outdo each other in refurbishing the ancient city that had more recently seen centuries of disrepair.
Her protector and her father were busy men. Being a cardinal and running the household of one were both complicated affairs. But there were other children, Lucrezia had a daughter and son about Felice's age and they grew up together. Cardinal della Rovere had been given the very wealthy bishopric of Pisa and Ostia, to benefit from, and also made a chief adviser to pope Innocent VIII to attend to, and he was frequently out of town. Even the master of his cousin's house could be wealthy and learn to show his wealth both grandly and tastefully. But despite it all, the marriage between Lucrezia and Maestro de Cupis seemed amicable. On his death, Bernardino would leave her a sizable gift, which was also not so common.
_____________________________________________
notes and pagination from Caroline P Murphy: The Pope's Daughter: the Extraordinary Life of Felice della Rovere ; Oxford University Press, New York, 2005
That view of Giuliano dellla Rovere is deftly told in Caroline P Murphy's recent biography of Felice della Rovere, The Pope's Daughter. An Oxford publication from 2005, the author had to do more detective work in sketching the contours of this woman's life, 'teasing out' likely occurrences and consequences from available materials. For instance, Murphy says that we can guess - probably correctly - that young Felice was sent to Savona some time after or around the time vice-chancellor cardinal Rodrigo became the second Borja pope in Italy. For one thing, she argues, it was common for people in positions of power to have their children taken as hostages, in those times, in Rome [p. 30]. And this new pope Alexander VI - our cardinal Borja - was one that Felice's father, Giuliano could plausibly guess, was not above such extortion. Murphy also explains how later in life, the warmth between an older Felice with her actual mother and siblings testifies strongly to an earlier time spent with them, presumably in Rome in the years after Felice's birth.
Indeed Felice's mother Lucrezia Normanni was a Roman woman, who grew up in and had family from the Trastevere neighborhood just south of the Tiber in Rome. Knowing this, when paired with the knowledge that the Genoese and Savonans lived also in Trastevere, makes likely a meeting between cardinal della Rovere and Lucrezia here, around the likely time of Felice's birth.
Like many people in Rome, Lucrezia was from an old family, noble in name but not in recent prestige or wealth. Murphy says it is possible that her family encouraged her to tarry with the pope's nephew somehow after Giuliano's return from France - again, probably 1483, the supposed year of Felice's birth. Maybe, Murphy says, Lucrezia felt compelled by this promising cardinal somehow. We simply don't know if they had a lasting relationship or not, nor pin for certain the year of Felice's birth [p.10].
What we do know is that the young mother was married to one Bernardino de Cupis, the maestro de casa - a kind of head butler - to one of Giuliano's cousin cardinals, Girolamo Basso della Rovere. This was actually quite common, but still significant in that the mother was not shamed or ignored, that the baby was not sent to a local orphanage. Rodrigo Borja, for instance, the vice-chancellor in Rome at the time had a number of illegitimate children . But they were taken from the mother and raised in his own household, with the famous former mistress Vannozza. Not only was this young girl Felice, raised in another, though nearby home, but she was raised with the knowledge that she was in fact Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere's daughter. Maestro de Cupis lived in a grand palazzo on the Piazza Navona in Rome just across from the giant clerical hub of Sant Agnes in Agone [p. 17].
The center of Rome was where young Felice would grow up, in the great house of a secular servant of the church. Bustling streets she could see from the windows, people coming and going, sometimes of great importance in the great hall or at the great doorway. It was a time of great growth and dynamism in this neighborhood as popes and their servants tried to outdo each other in refurbishing the ancient city that had more recently seen centuries of disrepair.
Her protector and her father were busy men. Being a cardinal and running the household of one were both complicated affairs. But there were other children, Lucrezia had a daughter and son about Felice's age and they grew up together. Cardinal della Rovere had been given the very wealthy bishopric of Pisa and Ostia, to benefit from, and also made a chief adviser to pope Innocent VIII to attend to, and he was frequently out of town. Even the master of his cousin's house could be wealthy and learn to show his wealth both grandly and tastefully. But despite it all, the marriage between Lucrezia and Maestro de Cupis seemed amicable. On his death, Bernardino would leave her a sizable gift, which was also not so common.
_____________________________________________
notes and pagination from Caroline P Murphy: The Pope's Daughter: the Extraordinary Life of Felice della Rovere ; Oxford University Press, New York, 2005
Wednesday, January 15, 2014
twitterbreviary, a late snapshot, in early January 2014
To follow twitter, one has to access the internet, pull up the website, pick a user name and register an 'account.' There were some basic questions when I signed up as an end user, some setting choices, etc, and I was 'on twitter' and could 'create my own tweets', each of only 140 characters. There are millions, maybe billions of other accounts and they can create tweets too. And do. Yes, they do, all over the world. Last year twitter became publicly traded and since December its stock has an upward trend. Full disclosure: I don't own any twitter stock but I use the platform. We'll see if it keeps going up and, if the current way users try to make money off the e-message platform succeeds, then its future looks rosy. But advertisers and big corporations say they can generate and guide internet user traffic to sites, and products, and advertisements, which not incidentally, is as viable a vehicle for trade as newspapers used to be.
Users (interchangeable with 'tweeter') tweet for any number of reasons and purposes.The image of a user with a modern smartphone tweeting their missives to the world, can be seen in homes, on subway platforms, war zones, waiting rooms, at work and on sitcoms. Some chat with others, or tell jokes, tell what/where they eat, where they are, what they think. I am very much a novice at it and don't claim to have any special knowledge about it, yet, or as to the effects this may have on social communications, psychology, self-or-other-awareness, or large groups of following consumer/users. But the effects and knock-on effects, seem fairly profound right now, as far as technological advances go.
There is lots to talk about here, but this is just a few examples of how I use it these days in a short series last Friday to GOP Majority Leader in the US House of Representatives, Rep Eric Cantor from the Commonwealth of Virginia. I use these tweets to him as examples, because it shows the direct access one can now have with members, even top members in Congress. Those, a majority who have joined the ranks of twitter, apparently see it as a useful communications tool. So it goes both ways.
The form of the 140 character limit - a tweet's one defining characteristic - forces compromises on the written form itself. Words get shortened, abbreviated, often vowels taken out with only syllabic consonants remaining, all just to fit the sense of the idea, or part of an idea into the length of a full tweet.
After the proliferation of twitter, applicationss were made to enable easier insertion of internet addresses into the length of a tweet, by shortening them with deciding algorithms, independent of the user or 'tweeter'. This also allows for the insertion of links, pictures, videos etc. into the body of the tweet and still have room for commentary, other links, etc.
To 'follow twitter', the user is actually 'following' other users, a choice given as a user with lists of the millions or billions of other users. And each user is also followed by other users, other tweeters.
Multiple recipients are each given an '@' before their user or account name. Users can also 'follow' as many other users, who are themselves followers of still more users, etc.
Basic to many twitter users is the 'retweet', where another tweet is simply copied and resent by the 'tweeter'.
Another is the 'embed tweet', which I finally figured out how to do in a blog, today (see above).
The '#', called a 'hashtag' and now synonymous with the symbol that is still used to designate 'number' is a grouping mechanism specific to the twitter platform. One can search terms, names, hashtags on the twitter platform. The use of hashtags has grown to do a number of things, but typically acts as a topic sorting tool.
Oh, one more, from last night's Last Night w/ Jimmy Fallon show:
Users (interchangeable with 'tweeter') tweet for any number of reasons and purposes.The image of a user with a modern smartphone tweeting their missives to the world, can be seen in homes, on subway platforms, war zones, waiting rooms, at work and on sitcoms. Some chat with others, or tell jokes, tell what/where they eat, where they are, what they think. I am very much a novice at it and don't claim to have any special knowledge about it, yet, or as to the effects this may have on social communications, psychology, self-or-other-awareness, or large groups of following consumer/users. But the effects and knock-on effects, seem fairly profound right now, as far as technological advances go.
There is lots to talk about here, but this is just a few examples of how I use it these days in a short series last Friday to GOP Majority Leader in the US House of Representatives, Rep Eric Cantor from the Commonwealth of Virginia. I use these tweets to him as examples, because it shows the direct access one can now have with members, even top members in Congress. Those, a majority who have joined the ranks of twitter, apparently see it as a useful communications tool. So it goes both ways.
@GOPLeader listen, foreign investment happens all the time in purchase of US T-bills. Also, the FED has been 'buying' T-bills in QE
— neditsimple (@neditssimple) January 10, 2014
@GOPLeader the QE policy of FED shld make it easier for banks to lend credit which they still R loathe to do! We've helped banks too much!
— neditsimple (@neditssimple) January 10, 2014
@GOPLeader and banks still won't lend + public is spooked from the crash of '08 - as they shld be. RESULT economy continues to spiral down
— neditsimple (@neditssimple) January 10, 2014
@GOPLeader W/out help from GOV, becuz of yer useless deficit hawks, REAL PEOPLE's lives SUFFER. The Independents see uselessness of R-party!
— neditsimple (@neditssimple) January 10, 2014
@GOPLeader This is a year of election! #quidproquo If the Senate won't take up yer bills then yer job is not done!
— neditsimple (@neditssimple) January 10, 2014
The form of the 140 character limit - a tweet's one defining characteristic - forces compromises on the written form itself. Words get shortened, abbreviated, often vowels taken out with only syllabic consonants remaining, all just to fit the sense of the idea, or part of an idea into the length of a full tweet.
After the proliferation of twitter, applicationss were made to enable easier insertion of internet addresses into the length of a tweet, by shortening them with deciding algorithms, independent of the user or 'tweeter'. This also allows for the insertion of links, pictures, videos etc. into the body of the tweet and still have room for commentary, other links, etc.
To 'follow twitter', the user is actually 'following' other users, a choice given as a user with lists of the millions or billions of other users. And each user is also followed by other users, other tweeters.
Multiple recipients are each given an '@' before their user or account name. Users can also 'follow' as many other users, who are themselves followers of still more users, etc.
Basic to many twitter users is the 'retweet', where another tweet is simply copied and resent by the 'tweeter'.
Another is the 'embed tweet', which I finally figured out how to do in a blog, today (see above).
The '#', called a 'hashtag' and now synonymous with the symbol that is still used to designate 'number' is a grouping mechanism specific to the twitter platform. One can search terms, names, hashtags on the twitter platform. The use of hashtags has grown to do a number of things, but typically acts as a topic sorting tool.
Oh, one more, from last night's Last Night w/ Jimmy Fallon show:
This is #American #freedom: Bruce Springsteen & Jimmy Fallon: "Gov. Christie Traffic Jam" ("Born To ...: http://t.co/xAukCiRfww via @youtube
— neditsimple (@neditssimple) January 15, 2014Monday, January 13, 2014
some more news mid-jan2014
A longer form interview with former US Department of Defense Secretary Robert Gates on npr this morning gave retrospective insight to his focus and priorities. He had been appointed by former US pres Bush and continued into the early years of the Obama presidency. At the time of his appointment, at the height of wars in both Iraq and Afghanistan, Gates was touted as a pragmatic moderate, compared with someone like former Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld. On the other hand, in contrast with some of Gates' views on say, vice-president Biden's stated views over the last 35 years, Gates sounds much more like a pro-war champion. Another view says Gates was a careerist military man, and wrong about larger views such as ending the cold war. At least there is some discussion, some reflective analysis of views leading to these wars. At least Gates can admit that Bush had engaged in 'wars of choice'.
In other news, Ariel Sharon, former PM of Israel who had been in a medically induced coma for the last eight years, died this weekend. The memorial was today. Called 'the butcher', 'the bulldozer' and worse, former PM Shimon Peres called him 'the shoulder of the state of Israel' today, as his body lay in state outside the Israeli Parliament.
Pope Francis I elected nineteen "new cardinals... from Italy, Germany, Britain, Nicaragua, Canada, Ivory Coast, Brazil, Argentina, South Korea, Chile, Burkina Faso, the Philippines and Haiti."
Found in this AlJazeera article...
Education in Kansas, after suffering cuts for years, could get worse... a link-rich commentary on a current New York times piece. Governor Brownback is expected to speak on this issue at his state of the state speech, Wednesday January 15.
Women probably do have a worse time with terrifying encounters on the internet. Law enforcement seems unable or unwilling to do much to counter these threats.
A great interview on Fresh Air with an expert on servants in manors in Britain c. 1920. 32 min audio
Found in this AlJazeera article...
Education in Kansas, after suffering cuts for years, could get worse... a link-rich commentary on a current New York times piece. Governor Brownback is expected to speak on this issue at his state of the state speech, Wednesday January 15.
Women probably do have a worse time with terrifying encounters on the internet. Law enforcement seems unable or unwilling to do much to counter these threats.
A great interview on Fresh Air with an expert on servants in manors in Britain c. 1920. 32 min audio
US Navy sailors who served on USS Ronald Reagan, offshore during the earthquakes, tsunami and catastrophic failures of the Japanese Fukushima nuclear plants, have been reporting symptoms of radiation induced sickness, in years since. Scores have come forward and are suing the TEPCO power company, as the Navy is not monitoring their health and US Government says it has no jurisdiction.
Excellent short film, 'El Empleo' reveals inhuman nature of much of our modern technological age. < 7 min animation
UPDATE: marketplace answers why your zipper says 'YKK': they have half the world's business in zippers
UPDATE: marketplace answers why your zipper says 'YKK': they have half the world's business in zippers
Saturday, January 11, 2014
Caterina Sforza Holds Her Own and Improves Holdings: 1488-91
The years following the death of Girolamo Riario were uncertain for his widow, Caterina Sforza. But in time, quite patiently, she managed to take complete control of the three most important fortresses of Forli and Imola. This was accomplished by using and placing her own captains into positions of control over each one. Within a couple years she would be master of all three and housed in the strongest, in Forli, with a new lover, Giacomo Feo. This could seem quite a reversal of fortune, coming after the murder of her husband and the capture of her and her remaining family in the spring of 1488. But fortune had little to do with it.
Essential to this reversal was the papal embassy of bishop Savelli and Caterina's guard, Tomasso Feo. He was captain of il Ravaldino, the strongest of the three fortresses in Caterina's domain. He was the one she secretly conspired with to force the Orsini - her would be captors - to at first wait and then negotiate with the papal bishop and eventually, weeks later, to back down [p. 128 - 132]. This larger story with its many turns and reversals is well-captured in Elizabeth Lev's biography The Tigress of Forli [pp. 120-50].
Along the way, although she had gained by the actions of others, in each occasion, she also would find it necessary to, one by one, turn them away. Within the week that the Count was killed, bishop Savelli was sent from Rome with a very small contingent. The people of Forli, desperate for a leader, rallied around the papal embassy sent as soon as the trumpets sounded, announcing the arrival with banners and horses and armed men [p. 127]. This quieted the looters and kept the Orsini at bay, until time that Caterina could gain a brief negotiation with her loyal guard at Ravaldino, Tomasso Feo.
When at last, the bishop forced this encounter, he would be left behind to defend her family, and Caterina was now guarded in the biggest fortress in the region, with her own captain. The Orsi were outraged, as they knew they first needed to oust Caterina and her allies from these central fortresses in the town, if they were to sieze power. They knew she would not cease to conspire some kind of escape, and the bishop meanwhile had given her his word, and so made it his business to protect her heirs, Ottaviano and the others in the other fortress. The Orsinio were right and still more delays were contrived, until which time that soldiers could be sent, from her uncle, Ludovico the duke of Milan.
When the Orsi capitulated at last, Caterina had then to prevent the Milanese troops -her external champions - from looting Forli. This after all, was how soldiers expected to be paid. She could pay them with what little had not already been looted by the Orsini, but she could not allow these Milanese soldiers to loot the property of her townspeople [p. 147]. So she invited the leaders to lunch and shamed them. And they left empty-handed.
The last of these reversals came with her dismissal and replacement of the hero at Ravaldino, Tomasso Feo. Despite his unquestionable devotion to her and crucial help in returning her to power, he knew her too well.
So it was that, in June of 1489, she offered him the hand of her sister Bianca in marriage. She even offered a dowry that included lands in Bosco, but still he would not leave Ravaldino. He had loyalties to the Riario side of the family and remained friendly with Cardinal Rafaello Riario. She knew how the Riario could be and must have felt she needed someone to protect her fortress that was devoted solely to her, and was without those potentially meddlesome ties [p. 161].
One hot day, the following August, Caterina went to il Ravaldino to make a call on her captain of the guard there. She had planted a garden outside the keep and asked if he would like to see it. He hesitated as captain, he was forbidden to leave his post. She insisted, perhaps even lured him, with female charm, according to Andrea Bernardi, out into the grounds and across the courtyard. Tomasso was caught by other guards and thrown in prison for his effrontery and presumption [pp. 161-63].
In his place, Caterina installed Tomasso's younger brother Giacomo as the new captain of Il Ravaldino and she moved in as well. The two stayed there together for the next six years. He was young and strong, uneducated, formerly he looked after the horses. Now he was captain of Il Ravaldino serving the Countess however she wanted. At first the people seemed not to mind. After so many years, the popular and still young Countess had found someone she could at last be happy with. Who could begrudge that? Some did complain and she publicly rebuked them or threw them in prison. And she stayed.
The last of these fortresses, the one protecting Imola, was much easier for her to gain control. The captain there sent her a request for an outrageous sum to fund his continued efforts. She sent him a letter promising the amount was in nearby Modena. He rode off at a gallop to receive it but when he arrived found only a useless letter of credit in his name. When he returned to Imola, he found the place shut up by Caterina's new captain, her stepbrother Pietro Landriani [p. 163].
Barring decption or betrayal from Rome or elsewhere, she could plausibly now rest more easily with all three fortresses held by her trusted henchmen. She was right, and by all external accounts fell in love with her new young captain, Giacomo Feo. They would stay in that fortress for years, and only rarely would she leave Forli, to stay near her young captain.
_____________________________________________
all notes, pagination from Elizabeth Lev, The Tigress of Forli: Renaissance Italy's most courageous and notorious countess, Caterina Riario Sforza de'Medici : 2011, USA, Houghton, Mifflin, Harcourt Publishing Company
Essential to this reversal was the papal embassy of bishop Savelli and Caterina's guard, Tomasso Feo. He was captain of il Ravaldino, the strongest of the three fortresses in Caterina's domain. He was the one she secretly conspired with to force the Orsini - her would be captors - to at first wait and then negotiate with the papal bishop and eventually, weeks later, to back down [p. 128 - 132]. This larger story with its many turns and reversals is well-captured in Elizabeth Lev's biography The Tigress of Forli [pp. 120-50].
Along the way, although she had gained by the actions of others, in each occasion, she also would find it necessary to, one by one, turn them away. Within the week that the Count was killed, bishop Savelli was sent from Rome with a very small contingent. The people of Forli, desperate for a leader, rallied around the papal embassy sent as soon as the trumpets sounded, announcing the arrival with banners and horses and armed men [p. 127]. This quieted the looters and kept the Orsini at bay, until time that Caterina could gain a brief negotiation with her loyal guard at Ravaldino, Tomasso Feo.
When at last, the bishop forced this encounter, he would be left behind to defend her family, and Caterina was now guarded in the biggest fortress in the region, with her own captain. The Orsi were outraged, as they knew they first needed to oust Caterina and her allies from these central fortresses in the town, if they were to sieze power. They knew she would not cease to conspire some kind of escape, and the bishop meanwhile had given her his word, and so made it his business to protect her heirs, Ottaviano and the others in the other fortress. The Orsinio were right and still more delays were contrived, until which time that soldiers could be sent, from her uncle, Ludovico the duke of Milan.
When the Orsi capitulated at last, Caterina had then to prevent the Milanese troops -her external champions - from looting Forli. This after all, was how soldiers expected to be paid. She could pay them with what little had not already been looted by the Orsini, but she could not allow these Milanese soldiers to loot the property of her townspeople [p. 147]. So she invited the leaders to lunch and shamed them. And they left empty-handed.
The last of these reversals came with her dismissal and replacement of the hero at Ravaldino, Tomasso Feo. Despite his unquestionable devotion to her and crucial help in returning her to power, he knew her too well.
So it was that, in June of 1489, she offered him the hand of her sister Bianca in marriage. She even offered a dowry that included lands in Bosco, but still he would not leave Ravaldino. He had loyalties to the Riario side of the family and remained friendly with Cardinal Rafaello Riario. She knew how the Riario could be and must have felt she needed someone to protect her fortress that was devoted solely to her, and was without those potentially meddlesome ties [p. 161].
One hot day, the following August, Caterina went to il Ravaldino to make a call on her captain of the guard there. She had planted a garden outside the keep and asked if he would like to see it. He hesitated as captain, he was forbidden to leave his post. She insisted, perhaps even lured him, with female charm, according to Andrea Bernardi, out into the grounds and across the courtyard. Tomasso was caught by other guards and thrown in prison for his effrontery and presumption [pp. 161-63].
In his place, Caterina installed Tomasso's younger brother Giacomo as the new captain of Il Ravaldino and she moved in as well. The two stayed there together for the next six years. He was young and strong, uneducated, formerly he looked after the horses. Now he was captain of Il Ravaldino serving the Countess however she wanted. At first the people seemed not to mind. After so many years, the popular and still young Countess had found someone she could at last be happy with. Who could begrudge that? Some did complain and she publicly rebuked them or threw them in prison. And she stayed.
The last of these fortresses, the one protecting Imola, was much easier for her to gain control. The captain there sent her a request for an outrageous sum to fund his continued efforts. She sent him a letter promising the amount was in nearby Modena. He rode off at a gallop to receive it but when he arrived found only a useless letter of credit in his name. When he returned to Imola, he found the place shut up by Caterina's new captain, her stepbrother Pietro Landriani [p. 163].
Barring decption or betrayal from Rome or elsewhere, she could plausibly now rest more easily with all three fortresses held by her trusted henchmen. She was right, and by all external accounts fell in love with her new young captain, Giacomo Feo. They would stay in that fortress for years, and only rarely would she leave Forli, to stay near her young captain.
_____________________________________________
all notes, pagination from Elizabeth Lev, The Tigress of Forli: Renaissance Italy's most courageous and notorious countess, Caterina Riario Sforza de'Medici : 2011, USA, Houghton, Mifflin, Harcourt Publishing Company
Naples Wanted To Find Agreement With Rome: January 10, 1493
The King of Naples sent his son Don Federigo to visit the new pope in December 1492. This came less than four months after Rodrigo Borja was elected to the papacy in Rome, where he took the name of Alexander VI, that previous August. Relations were strained between the two, as the previous pope Innocent III had tried to extract loaned funds from the aging king for some years. This new pope, despite his attempts to appear friendly toward this offer of homage by the King's son, Federigo, knew he could not show signs of any excess favoritism in this mostly perfunctory offer. It was a complex issue with so many people involved and thereby, the possibilities for feeling slighted, greatly increased.
The college of cardinals that year to elect this new pope was full of the gifts received from Cardinal Borja, the longtime vice-chancellor, a post he had kept in Rome for thirty-six years. Yes, he was rich, yes, he was well-liked. Yes he kept a number of mistresses and children at his palace. But it was easier to accept Borja with so much money flowing and he seemed a good manager of people. Even so, there were a few who did not want to particpate in what some would call bribery. Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere (later pope Julius II) was first on that list. Cardinal Ascanio Sforza, the brother to the duke of Milan would accede to Borja's vote but not accept his gift. The cardinal of Naples was not one to take the money that had helped elect cardinal Borja either. But even without such benefices from the Borja candidate, that the wags reported was a sufficient financial coercion overall in the college of cardinals that year, it was hoped the King might still expect a warm welcome for his son, Federigo.
Relations had been strained between Rome and Naples even prior to the salt wars concerning Ferrara, a dozen years before. The present King Ferdinand I of Naples had been at the throne since 1458, when he inherited the seat at the death of his father, as listed in the will. But now the King was nearing seventy years of age and despite the problems and slights occuring between Naples and Rome during his reign, he still hoped for better relations for his successors. There were factions aplenty, in Naples, from Rome, Milan, Venice, from Spain and France. Culturally, Rome and most of Italy looked on Naples as a backwater, though her armies were respected with a wary caution. Such a fearsome army had to be contained or better, controlled, if any of the powers wanted to extend their sway in Italy. And everyone seemed to want that.
Less than ten years before, Naples effectively had attacked Rome and her armies. Girolamo Riario was captain-general then, and Sixtus IV was pope. There was also a time, many years before, Ferdinand had married a princess of the House of Aragon with, then Cardinal Rodrigo Borja, officiating as vice-chancellor of the city (1476). But since then, the last two popes had tried to effect greater control over Naples, ultimately toward the purpose of trying to secure the historical papal lands. Innocent III, the pope who had just died was particularly unhappy the King had not payed his dues the last several years. But he wasn't judged a very good leader in these things.
So it is little surprise that with a new pope, especially one who was seen as so friendly as Cardinal Borja, who had married him after all and, whose uncle (the previous pope Calixtus III) had before that, been the secretary to King Ferdinand's father for so many years, that old king Ferdinand might hope for a new understanding. It is here where we can turn to Johann Burchard, the pope's Master of Ceremonies to learn just how the chances for such an agreement, amidst official ceremonies, failed to materialize.
Burchard had received word that the King wanted to send an emissary in early December. The new pope had asked his opinion on how to go about receiving such an honored guest seeking to pay homage. Burchard reports that as the pope had recived the Duke of Ferrara earlier that year, so could he receive the emissary from Naples. The King's son could come and kiss the pope's foot and then go to his lodgings. After a few days it could be scheduled for him to come and fulfill the requirements of the official homage ceremonies. But this pope did not want to allow the King's son to come at once upon entering the city by sending a number of cardinals to lead the prince, not to the Vatican, but instead to his lodgings and thus make him wait. But as it turned out, despite being led all through town with this and that entourage, Don Federigo did get to the Vatican and kiss the pope's foot and secure a later audience with him. But this was not enough.
Burchard spends some time on the subject and by his account, the prince left Rome empty-handed. A small group of cardinals, those friendly to Naples were at first denied, and then given permission by the pope to go with Don Federigo. But even they insisted that his entourage should lead the column, the procession of notables through the sometimes narrow and violent streets of Rome, dressed in their finery and jewelery. When they reached the riverside where a galley waited to take the prince back to Naples, the escorting cardinals said goodbye and left without getting off their horses. Burchard said this was on a Thursday, January 10, 1493.
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from Johann Burchard: At The Court of the Borgia translated for english, with introduction by Geoffrey Parker, The Folio Society, Ltd, 1963
Thursday, January 9, 2014
news from early jan2014
Fifty years ago US President Lyndon Baines Johnson gave a speech to announce his plan that he called a War on Poverty. The press all reported it here dutifully and commentary sprouted up like flowers. The current president has a new plan, 'promise zones' that he hopes to spread certain benefits to help urban areas, and... yesterday, the other party had a spokesperson, FL Sen Marco Rubio to tell us how the War on Poverty of fifty years ago had failed. He suggested people get married to escape poverty.
A story in the New York Times gave voice to a robbery 41 years ago of a Media, PA FBI office where the burglars took all that offices documents which showed, among other things, the secret COINTELPRO set of policies institued by the bureau. They have finally felt they could come forward and evn proclaim Edward Snowden a whistleblower, not something else. Stunning, a case left unexplained for oever forty years, suddenly blown way open.
Yesterday was David Bowie's birthday, today is Richard Nixon and Jimmy Page's.
Another case that broke wide yesterday took place in New Jersey. Jon Stewart nails that one, with part two giving the ramifications and a classic rant on New Jersey corruption.. The Governor of that state had a two hour press conference today, when he fired two of his closest aides.
Yesterday was also the third year anniversary that Rep Gabby Gifford was shot in the head by a disturbed young man who opened fire on a gathering in front of a shopping center in Tucson, AZ. There was a ceremony and then later that day, she went sky diving.
But it was reported that Amiri Baraka died today. NPR had a nice piece on him.
If you want some laughs and proof that the masses are smarter than some may think, check out #economyths.
The last couple weeks of last year, I listened to various interviews with the former members of the British Punk legend The Clash. On Boxing Day the three went into a bbc studio with another, using a sped up voice that claimed was Bernie Rhodes, one-time manager. That show expired after a week, but there are several more at the clashblog (scroll down for trhe links). I listen to this site with some frequency online. There are reminescences but much about music and the business, and what it took to be The Clash. A newer band did a cover of one of their older songs in London, a couple months ago. Makes me think the kids are alright.
A story in the New York Times gave voice to a robbery 41 years ago of a Media, PA FBI office where the burglars took all that offices documents which showed, among other things, the secret COINTELPRO set of policies institued by the bureau. They have finally felt they could come forward and evn proclaim Edward Snowden a whistleblower, not something else. Stunning, a case left unexplained for oever forty years, suddenly blown way open.
Yesterday was David Bowie's birthday, today is Richard Nixon and Jimmy Page's.
Another case that broke wide yesterday took place in New Jersey. Jon Stewart nails that one, with part two giving the ramifications and a classic rant on New Jersey corruption.. The Governor of that state had a two hour press conference today, when he fired two of his closest aides.
Yesterday was also the third year anniversary that Rep Gabby Gifford was shot in the head by a disturbed young man who opened fire on a gathering in front of a shopping center in Tucson, AZ. There was a ceremony and then later that day, she went sky diving.
But it was reported that Amiri Baraka died today. NPR had a nice piece on him.
If you want some laughs and proof that the masses are smarter than some may think, check out #economyths.
The last couple weeks of last year, I listened to various interviews with the former members of the British Punk legend The Clash. On Boxing Day the three went into a bbc studio with another, using a sped up voice that claimed was Bernie Rhodes, one-time manager. That show expired after a week, but there are several more at the clashblog (scroll down for trhe links). I listen to this site with some frequency online. There are reminescences but much about music and the business, and what it took to be The Clash. A newer band did a cover of one of their older songs in London, a couple months ago. Makes me think the kids are alright.
Wednesday, January 8, 2014
A View Into Papacy of Alexander VI: The French Armies In Rome, January 8, 1495
It was near the middle of December that the hordes of french troops had arrived at the gates of Rome led by King Charles VIII, in 1494. For days, messengers went back and forth. The Borgia pope Alexander VI was very careful in all his dealings with them. A few days after all the valuables were taken from the Vatican palace and put into safe keeping in Castel Sant' Angelo, around January 6th, this pope and his retinue also retired there for a time. King Charles for his part, made public proclamations forbidding all french forces and their allies and minions from looting or pillaging any property in or around the city. These happened anyway.
Johann Burchard, now in his role as the steadfast master of ceremonies for this his third pope, also gives us a view in his Liber Notarum from inside the city. Compared to what even he had seen before, with tens of thousands of french and other troops in and around the city, this must have seemed a nearly complete military occupation of Rome. Even so, the amount of troops did not ensure security so much as breed its opposite.
Effectively under siege, pope Alexander VI, Rodrigo Borgia also knew that his office held captive - in this very same Castel in Rome that he himself was now hidden in - Djem, the brother of the current Turkish Sultan. In time, this Borgia pope would use this exalted personage as leverage in his negotiations with Charles VIII. The pope managed to convince Charles that the real reason the french were in Italy, the real dispute, was with Naples, not Rome. But this story came a few days later.
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from Johann Burchard: At The Court of the Borgia translated for english with introduction by Geoffrey Parker, The Folio Society, Ltd, 1963
Johann Burchard, now in his role as the steadfast master of ceremonies for this his third pope, also gives us a view in his Liber Notarum from inside the city. Compared to what even he had seen before, with tens of thousands of french and other troops in and around the city, this must have seemed a nearly complete military occupation of Rome. Even so, the amount of troops did not ensure security so much as breed its opposite.
"On Thursday, January 8th, the house of Paolo Branca, a Roman citizen, was plundered and pillaged by the French, and his two sons were killed, whilst others, including Jews, were murdered and their homes ransacked. Even the house of Donna Vanozza Catanei, the mother of Cardinal Cesare Borgia, did not escape being pillaged." [p. 106]The next day several thieves were hung from windows of prominent houses in central Rome. With the pope and several of his closest members of his court in Castel Sant' Angelo, an exterior wall there collapsed. The wall 'from the tower to the gate' according to Burchard, was where the Castel's keeper was on watch, and which crushed him as it fell. These and many other frights would beset this pope. Yet somehow he kept his cool.
Effectively under siege, pope Alexander VI, Rodrigo Borgia also knew that his office held captive - in this very same Castel in Rome that he himself was now hidden in - Djem, the brother of the current Turkish Sultan. In time, this Borgia pope would use this exalted personage as leverage in his negotiations with Charles VIII. The pope managed to convince Charles that the real reason the french were in Italy, the real dispute, was with Naples, not Rome. But this story came a few days later.
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from Johann Burchard: At The Court of the Borgia translated for english with introduction by Geoffrey Parker, The Folio Society, Ltd, 1963
Alfonso de Borja, secretary to King of Aragon, becomes Pope Calixtus III
Another of Christopher Hibbert's bio romps through history, is one on the Borgia family. Also prominent in the period of what's known as the Italian Renaissance, they were to help set in motion a different degree (and forms of measure) of state control than the various Italian city-states managed amongst themselves. Hibbert has written a number of these and is currently widely cited as a popular historian. His books seem current and the writing style is very easy on the eyes, in that the words cascade so fluidly. It is a polished effort here that impels the reader on and on, as if all the tricks of a salesman were used to cajole the reader into just another page or three. The problem with these widely available shorter secondary sources of great repute and ease of readability is the lack of footnotes. It's really sad. Perhaps, the original editions of his many historical works were published with footnotes. Not this one.
But to Italians of that age, as Spaniards, first of all, the Borgia's were outsiders. The first Borgia pope (in 1455), Alfonso de Borja was, although bishop of Valencia and while considered erudite and intellectual, as well as pious, he was not expected to live long [p. 11]. Similarly, Hibbert explains, he was chosen as someone who was not going to do much to change the papacy, or - conveniently for the power players in Rome - local politics, in any substantial way. In fact, the newly named Calixtus III set out first on a crusade against the Tuks, who recently had taken Constantinople [p. 13]. Hibbert spends less than four pages on this first Borja pope and that in an easy-read larger font. But the language is plain, direct, compelling. Unfortunately, it is not permitted to be quoted directly, so a mere summary or periphrasis of notes is in order.
As Alfonso was the private secretary to the King of Aragon who became King of Naples (1442), so was Poggio Bracciolini secretary to the popes of the same period. Alfonso de Borja would write frequently to the pope in this period on behalf of his King. For this work, Alfonso was involved in bridging the gaps between King and pope Eugenius IV, who then made him a cardinal in the church [p. 12].
Alfonso, as pope Calixtus III also made Enea Silvio Piccolomini, cardinal of Siena. Piccolomini would become, among other things, one of the greatest chroniclers and diarists of the era [p. 13].
Though Alfonso's extreme age and gout slowed him down, his energy and determination for a crusade surprised many. He sold many artworks that his predecessors had bought for the papcy, stopped many building projects in Rome, and raised taxes in order purchase galleys and muster troops for a crusade.
Of course, the time for a crusade had already arguably passed. Maybe as much as several generations prior to his time in office. But Calixtus III was seen as self-willed and obstinate to many, and many monarchs and leaders in Europe would not comply with sending troops or funds to help his crusade. His belligerence may have helped give him the reputation as a nepotist. Two of his nephews he made cardinal were under thirty years of age. One of these was Rodrigo de Borja. who later became pope Alexander VI. Another nephew, Rodrigo's elder brother was made captain general to the pope, prefect of Rome and governor of the fortress of Castel Sant' Angelo [p. 14].
When Calixtus died, August 6, 1458, riots engulfed Rome. The next election would go to Piccolomini with help from Rodrigo de Borja [p. 16]. His name would be Pius II.
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notes culled from, and pagination from, Christopher Hibbert and Mary Hollingsworth: The Borgias and Their Enemies , Harcourt Inc., Houghton Miflin, Harcourt, Orlando, FL 2008
But to Italians of that age, as Spaniards, first of all, the Borgia's were outsiders. The first Borgia pope (in 1455), Alfonso de Borja was, although bishop of Valencia and while considered erudite and intellectual, as well as pious, he was not expected to live long [p. 11]. Similarly, Hibbert explains, he was chosen as someone who was not going to do much to change the papacy, or - conveniently for the power players in Rome - local politics, in any substantial way. In fact, the newly named Calixtus III set out first on a crusade against the Tuks, who recently had taken Constantinople [p. 13]. Hibbert spends less than four pages on this first Borja pope and that in an easy-read larger font. But the language is plain, direct, compelling. Unfortunately, it is not permitted to be quoted directly, so a mere summary or periphrasis of notes is in order.
The Borgias - as it's spelled in Italy... came, they claimed, from the royal House of Aragon. Alfonso de Borja was born in 1378, son of an estate owner at Játiva outside Valencia. He studied, then taught at Lérida; at thrity-eight, was appointed to post of private secretary to his King, Alfonso V of Aragon. He would stay in that job for forty-two years. [p. 12]
As Alfonso was the private secretary to the King of Aragon who became King of Naples (1442), so was Poggio Bracciolini secretary to the popes of the same period. Alfonso de Borja would write frequently to the pope in this period on behalf of his King. For this work, Alfonso was involved in bridging the gaps between King and pope Eugenius IV, who then made him a cardinal in the church [p. 12].
Alfonso, as pope Calixtus III also made Enea Silvio Piccolomini, cardinal of Siena. Piccolomini would become, among other things, one of the greatest chroniclers and diarists of the era [p. 13].
Though Alfonso's extreme age and gout slowed him down, his energy and determination for a crusade surprised many. He sold many artworks that his predecessors had bought for the papcy, stopped many building projects in Rome, and raised taxes in order purchase galleys and muster troops for a crusade.
Of course, the time for a crusade had already arguably passed. Maybe as much as several generations prior to his time in office. But Calixtus III was seen as self-willed and obstinate to many, and many monarchs and leaders in Europe would not comply with sending troops or funds to help his crusade. His belligerence may have helped give him the reputation as a nepotist. Two of his nephews he made cardinal were under thirty years of age. One of these was Rodrigo de Borja. who later became pope Alexander VI. Another nephew, Rodrigo's elder brother was made captain general to the pope, prefect of Rome and governor of the fortress of Castel Sant' Angelo [p. 14].
When Calixtus died, August 6, 1458, riots engulfed Rome. The next election would go to Piccolomini with help from Rodrigo de Borja [p. 16]. His name would be Pius II.
_________________________________________________
notes culled from, and pagination from, Christopher Hibbert and Mary Hollingsworth: The Borgias and Their Enemies , Harcourt Inc., Houghton Miflin, Harcourt, Orlando, FL 2008
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