Thursday, October 29, 2015

Savonarola Returns To Florence: 1490

Girolamo Savonarola returned again to Florence in 1490. He was sent to the Dominican House of San Marco to teach logic. While doing that and over the next year, the friars there elected him as their Prior, where he also was allowed to give the Advent and Lenten sermons. These were seen as harsh admonishments attacking standard, widespread, public practices in this wealthy, mercantile, industrial, and financial town of Florence. The year after that Lorenzo de'Medici lay on his deathbed and asked for Friar Savonarola to visit him. He even agreed to do that. This Friar would then spend the rest of his life working against the moneyed interests of the de'Medici and many others, in what remained of the state in Florence.

Count Pico della Mirandola, about ten years younger than Savonarola, had spent some time in the court of Lorenzo de'Medici in Florence. A favorite there he had angered Pope Innocent VIII and fled to France in the previous decade. After entreaties from Lorenzo (and his minions spread out all over Italy), it was at last decided and Rome had allowed for Pico to return to Florence under the protection of the court of il Magnifico. This young man, still a young man in his twenties (born the same year as Caterina Sforza), was acquainted with all the ruling families in northern Italy, had studied at Bologna and Padua and Ferrara, and excelled in ancient languages. He learned Greek and Latin at a young age and later, at Padua studies in Hebrew and Arabic increased his view. He sought a reconciliation between schools of Platonic and Aristotlian thought. Along the way he had developed a few theories of humanism, including a kind of syncretism that noticed paralells in different religious precepts and tracts.

Even so, Pico and Giro had apparently become acquainted as well, and in the late 1480's, Pico had been petitioning his patron in Florence, Lorenzo de'Medici, for the same Girolamo to be able to return. Letters from Lorenzo Magnifico were sent to the the Dominican convent General in Florence asking for this Friar Savonarola to be able to return from Ferrara, or Bologna, where he taught. The friars there had to then petition the Vicar of the Lombard Congregation to release him, and this all took some time. Time and money and missives and motion.

Upon arrival, Girolamo would have to readjust to life in Florence with its manners and mores, its methods and means, as well as the brothers at the Dominican convent. Lauro Martines assures us he did well, and soon came to prominence with a number of sermons he wrote over the winter of 1490-1, after his arrival. Martines says these impressed a great number of laymen.
"... [T]he eighteen Advent sermons turned into a hard-hitting assault on a lax and unprepared clergy, on the sins of usury and fraudulent financial transactions, on the avarice of the rich who corrupt their sons by setting immoral examples, on honouring rich men simply because they are rich, on those who are 'tepid' in their religious commitments, and on the buying of Masses for family chapels." [p. 23]
Martines uses this to show how contrary to 'standard practice' Savonarola already was behaving.
"Influential families looked to the Church as a source of jobs and income for their sons. When young men took holy orders, they went through a charade, unless they were driven by a spiritual need, and this had given way to job-seeking. A well-placed priest could expect a comfortable life. For two centuries, moreover, the rich had turned to the buying of private space in the wide public areas of churches. There they built frescoed chapels blazoned with their coats of arms, and paid the local clergy for the celebration of private Masses -- ritual prayer for the eternal salvation of the donors or of dead ancestors." [pp. 23-4]
Savonarola warned that the future would be full of plagues and scourges and many necessary cleansings. A few rich Florentines came to talk to him and warn him from such foretellings and ask for a more traditional form of preaching. This Friar would not be deterred. His next fifty sermons written in early 1491 for the following season of Lent targeted 'social and economic abuses'. An entire renewal of the Church was needed, not more false forms of  penitence. Also, a new form of preaching, of which he was the beginning, was due. Here is where Savonarola made his fame.

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notes and pagination from Martines, Lauro: Fire In The City: Savonarola and the struggle for the soul of Renaissance Florence ; Oxford University Press, New York 2006

Tuesday, October 27, 2015

A New Monarchy For England? J.D. Mackie Levels Claims

Mackie continues to border his field by orderly forays onto proven ground. There seemed a kind of 'new monarch' appearing across Europe, in France and Spain, even Scotland. A common experience of monarchy was emerging but this wasn't all that different from medieval norms. The Wars of the Roses ended in Britain with the end of Richard III on Bosworth plain, but only in a sense. The sense of what the state was still remained. This newness did reflect the ascendancy of the Tudor line but also, a continuity of the rest of English government as well. A survey of the differences and commonalities of English opinions follows regarding kingly games as well as the affairs of mercantile and commoner concerns, and these highlight the weary caution that thirty years of civil war had brought to England.

Mackie's survey of The Earlier Tudors: 1485-1558 marks as its beginning the end of Richard and the assumption of the Tudor Henry VII (Harri Tudur). Despite the historical popularity of ascribing numerous differences between the men and their lines, Mackie follows instead the aspects of that theory which sees the continuity of government and the general populace as more plainly reflecting British history of the period.

For example, the state was really just "...the expression of some local concern" that had a leader and retainers that could sustain itself over long periods of time. This sustainable self-sufficient organization had only one objective, supporting its own interests. Amoral, but practical it cultivated the middle classes and its mercantile economy, because in this way the practitioners and workers could and would keep to their own businesses. A state strove to keep the nobles and church contained and, it worked to be a better monarch for the rest than could be found in stories handed down from feudal days. "Representative institutions' were routinely outweighed by council men and close advisers, who were often the king's or 'new men'.

But as Brady points out regarding German states, the 'ultimate reason' Mackie says, for a prince or a king was force.

"He has a standing army of professional soldiers, ... a few ships, ... above all ... powder and guns. He is wise concerning men; he may have personal charm and the art of acquiring and keeping popularity. He may be the idol of his subjects. But in the end he stands, not for liberty, but for authority.... It was the service of the Renaissance to tear away the decent sheepskin ... [of] the medieval wolf ... [since] one great wolf was better than a pack of lesser carnivores." [pp. 5-6]

Mackie tells us the very idea of a 'New Monarchy' in England then comes from the 19th century History of the English People of John Richard Green. (In two separate editions the term comprises different specific dates in his chapter headings.) But Green, says Mackie, 'plainly' didn't see a change so much as a 'constitutional regression' when 'parliamentary process was almost suspended'.[p.6] Other, more recent authority, Mackie continues, stresses that the fifteenth-century 'hardly conceived the idea' what a constitution was. They had only the beginnings of a history of such a thing. Any revolution or 'so-called experiment' in government in England at the time of the Tudor entrance onto the monarchy, was merely a breakdown of the traditional forms of opposition between the king and parliament. In this period, "... the crown recovered the initiative in public legislation...", which enabled a "... restoration of confidence between Crown and parliament." [p.7]This take comes (thru Mackie) from A.F. Pollard's Parliament in the War of the Roses (1936).

The War between Lancaster and York had worn the people out. "England had witnessed in three decades several violent transferances of authority, and these transferences had been without any change in the 'constitution'."[p.7] The war in some ways didn't end in 1485. Fresh attacks occurred in 1487 in the Battle at Stokes Field. There was a 'Yorkist pretender' that lingered til 1497.  He was accepted as a legitimate heir and the son of former Edward V by numerous heads of state in Europe, such as Maximilian. Henry and his new in-laws the Woodville's had enemies,to be sure, just like those who came before. Henry would go on to continue policies in economics, and in organizing his state. Policies that had been set up before him. The fact was that Henry remained and his family would continue his line as monarchs. This is what Mackie wants us to remember.

The wars were terrible and everyone was 'heartily sick' of them. The Scots connived for an end to them, the French made fun of them. Philippe de Commines called them 'divine retribution' for invading France. Thomas More would bewail them as cutting England's ancient noble blood lines in half. 'Who could yout trust if you mistrusted your brother? Who would be spared afterward that was found guilty of killing his brother?' The biggest effect was the loss of so many soldiers and the ends of so many famous families. Thomas More knew his subject.
"... these matters be King's games, as it were stage-plays, and for the more part played upon scaffolds. In which poor men be but lookers-on. And they that wise be will meddle no further." [p.10]
Mackie says the Chronicle of London in its reports, reflects much of the same distant but wise attitude. The weather, prices, new mayors, bank closings were listed along with hangings and trials and killings. The wars were gentlemen's - only sometimes - deadly contests and there was little anybody else might do about it. Whether to visit King Richard III or to see Henry VII in triumph eighteen days later, the people wore their violet clothing to honor them both.

In Mackie's own words, "... a great part of England must have been vexed by the constant necessity for vigilance and by the interruption of trade. It can have been no pleasure to the citizens of London to pay for the strong watch which must ride about the town in troublous times. ... there must have been endless dislocations in town and country. With the dynastic issue itself England felt little concern, but she was very anxious to see the end of uncertainty, and prepared to support any authority which seemed likely to bring the purposeless quarrel to an end." [p.11]

Further, Mackie asserts, the new dynasty came from two things. These were the attitude England had for the wars, and Henry's abilities and character. [p.8] The extent of the king's power would remain much the same as it had been. His authority was what mattered. The Tudors would ensure this continued in ways that seemed new but had deep roots.


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notes and pagination from JD Mackie: The Earlier Tudors 1485-1558 Oxford, UK 1957

news bits October 2015

It's the month of Halloween.
The New York Mets are scheduled to play the Kansas City Royals in tonight's first game of the world series, in Kansas City, Missouri. This shot was made the night of the first game of the American League Championship Series, also in Kansas City, on 14 October 2015.
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A major leak about the US drone program caused a stir mid-month.

A drone strike had mistakenly hit a hospital run by Doctors Without Borders in Afghanistan. The Pentagon admitted it and the President apologized for it.

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Last month's big news in the House was that Speaker John Boehner was stepping down in an almost unprecedented retirement. But this has revealed how fractured, leaderless, directionless and chaotic today's GOP really is. They have become so ridiculous, the Onion got it right.

There have been a number of candidates who have come forward to be the next Speaker but one after the other they realize they don't have enough votes for confirmation.

Numerous examples of this chaotic lack of leadership in the House has resulted in the party's willingness to attack the other party without evidence to back up their claims. There have been eight special investigative committe's since 2012 in Congress trying to find culpability or scandal with then Secretary of State Hillary Clinton regarding the American Embassy bombing in Benghazi, Libya. The most recent of these hearings in the GOP-led US House of Representatives brought her before the committee to testify. They didn't find anything new with 11 hours of her testimony last week. One reason may have to do with where the fault lay. Since then a western made video was touted by the CIA (and within days of the bombings and killings in 2012) as significantly inciting the attackers.

The Clinton hearing ended like this.

Presidential candidate Bernie Sanders was on Chris Hayes explaining why Exxon criminally lied since the 1970's in denying climate change when their own studies admitted the validity of the warming of the planet.
Former US Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin says a new book about the creation of the US Federal Reserve is 'required reading'.
Former Federal Reserve Chief has come forward and said he thought banking executives should have been prosecuted for the Great Recession of 2007-9.


Friday, October 16, 2015

Letter From Rome To Florence: Savonarola Should Stop, Oct 16, 1495

Another letter, this time from the Vatican to Friar Savonarola, was more personal and conciliatory, but still gave strict demands. The Friar in Florence need not come to Rome immediately but needed to stop preaching until he could. He would instead turn his efforts to writing and organizing in the city through the winter, seeing this as an opportunity to clarify and strengthen his position.

This letter was a papal brief that cancelled the previous recent letters but tells Savonarola directly that he desist from preaching, both in public and in private. The tone is more familiar and even congenially suasive. This time it is a breviary, as our guide here Martines relates, that explains to the Friar that acts like foretelling the future "... can lead 'simple people' away from the true path and obedience to the Church, and these are contrary times for such preaching." This pope now readily accepts Savonarola's submission, "... delighted to learn that the Friar is ready to submit to the Church's correction ...". It was a little early for that. [p.131]

Lauro Martines explains that prior to this, Cardinal Oliviero Carafa, the official patron in Rome for the 'friars and Prior of San Marco in Florence', had all the while been filling the ear of the Pope with sympathetic stories of the harried Friar at the center of the controversy. This Cardinal at least could counter the constant anti-Savonarola missives that his enemies - including friends of the de'Medici - continually funneled into Rome and the pope's other adviser's ears. Martines suggests this Cardinal must have got to look over the summer's previous letters and given Rodrigo Borgia, Pope Alexander VI, a different viewpoint. 

There was no official admonishment for the preacher to write and that is what Savonarola then spent his time on. There were political problems to find a solution for as well, and he had become an indispensable part of those. The story of these concerns went back well over a year, and according to him meant nothing less than the maintaining and securing of the Republic of Florence as a rather independent Force for Christ. 

In October 1495 for example, Martines quotes a sermon from Savonarola.
"I say that any who fight against this government fight against Christ." [p.109]

Martines helpfully looks into these matters, spreading both theological and political issues and their communication, across several chapters. 
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notes and pagination from Martines, Lauro: Fire In The City: Savonarola and the struggle for the soul of Renaissance Florence ; Oxford University Press, New York, 2006

Revenge For The Death of a Knight, later 1495

A reward for Giovanni Ghetti and the killers of Giacomo Feo was proclaimed by the chief of police in Forli. At first they escaped but soon they would be captured, killed and other conspirators found, tortured, and publicly reviled and shunned as the worst of examples. This was Caterina Sforza's revenge for the killing of her chosen knight, captain at arms and lover Giacomo Feo in the late summer of 1495. Her brutal fury and consistent penchant for violence would mark her actions over the next few years.

Giovanni Antonio Ghetti was found by citizens in the cemetery of Santa Croce where his head was split down to his teeth. He had long been a trusted servant in Caterina's court along with his wife Rosa, a trusted lady in attendance. She was found that night in the castle named il Ravaldino and she and her children were thrown down the well. The last of the Ghetti children, a five year old son, was found a few days later and his throat was slit.

Ghetti had been the guard five years earlier who had captured Tomasso Feo at the castle. Now, she recalled him, the older brother of her lover, and ordered him to burn down Ghetti's home. Foes of the slain Giacomo were rounded up and killed or jailed. More homes of co-conspirators like the Marcobelli, or Orcioli and even suspected foes were burned. An entire neighborhood of Forli was sacked. 

Eventually the priest Domenico da Bagnacavallo was captured and brought to il Ravaldino and tortured there to give up the names of the conspirators. He confessed that Cardinal Riario and her own son Ottaviano had agreed to the Feo assassination.

The priest was stripped and beaten in the town's center square and then dragged all over the city, brought back to the square and beaten, stabbed and then dismembered. A couple days after the funeral she sent a guard to gather her son from the nobleman Paolo Denti. He relased Ottaviano under protest in the wake of Caterina's cruelty. A crowd went with Ottaviano as the city's rightful heir. She refused an audience until he submitted to her demand that he enter solely and under guard. 

Italy filled up through the winter with stories of how Caterina Sforza treated her own children and her townspeople. Ottaviano was under house arrest and his step-brother, Scipione Riario a central part of these closed door negotiations, spent eighteen months in the dungeon. The mistress of Antonio Pavagliotta was captured with her children and they were killed. The other priest was found outside Ravenna, brought back and burnt over hot coals in the square on a market day, and then beheaded. The bodies of the assassins hung outside the castle walls, and their heads hung from the bell tower for almost a year and a half. 

Leone Cobelli the contemporary chronicler listed thirty-eight people killed in these reprisals with many others tortured, exiled or imprisoned. Cardinal Sforza wrote il Moro, Ludovico, and the letter ended up in the Milan State Archive. He wrote to his brother, the duke of Milan to describe how horrified the pope was at their niece's blood-thirsty passion. All this after a year of war up and down Italy. [pp.182-86]
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Elizabeth Lev: The Tigress of Forli: Renaissance Italy's most courageous and notorious countess, Caterina Riario Sforza de'Medici : 2011, USA, Houghton, Mifflin, Harcourt Publishing Company

Early Life of Girolamo Savonarola - notes from Lauro Martines

Ferrara 
Michele Savonarola had been court physician to the d' Este lords of Ferrara since 1440. He apparently had a favored grandson born in 1452 named Girolamo. That one had intelligence, vigour and an aptitude for studies. He must have learned latin there and Cicero, Ovid and Quintilian and then Jerome and St Augustine and later Aquinas, Gratian and St Bernard. The death of his grandfather and the consequent fall for the entire Savonarola family from their accustomed prominent place at the court of Ferrara in 1468, meant that life became more difficult to Giro and his family. But he finished his studies there at the University in Ferrara. [pp 9-10]
As a young man, by the age of twenty he already had an antithetical view of Rome and considered the body and its needs as despicable. For him the two were really one and the same. One fed the other.

Bologna
"Bologna was the site of Italy's premiere university; it continued to attract students from all over Europe, notably for the study of civil and canon law... Foreign speech was common there, and students from distant shores sometimes appeared as characters in the fiction (tales) of the period." [p.15]
 Here there were two or three masters that helped him in his studies and after a year he took his vows. After four years at San Domenico in 1479 he was transferred to Santa Maria degli Angeli back in Ferrara.

Florence and Her Reception
"Florence was still a republic in name .... Lorenzo de'Medici was the supreme political boss ... skilled at getting his own way, but he also had to put up with - and try to manipulate - a tangle of executive and legislative councils; and he had to win friends and influence people, to bully and threaten them.... the city ranked as an international centre of trade, finance and industry; and its citizens famously were looked upon as fast talkers - shrewd, spirited, superb keepers of accounts; not courtiers, not haughty noblemen, not soldiers, and not mere landowners who lived solely from rural income. Verbal expression was their forte....".

He was offered to deliver the Lenten sermons of 1484 'at the splendid parish curch of the de'Medici' where a decade later he would regret his performance.Martines tells us "... he was not ready for seasoned or sceptical listeners, and especially in Florence, where the populace looked for a performance and citizens were ready to compare preachers, to criticise, or to go to another church for their seasonal homilies." [pp.16-17 ]

Savonarola would then go to neighboring San Gimignano off and on and then called back to Bologna again to teach by 1487. He would teach again in Ferrara and return to Florence again by 1490, now in his late thirties.
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notes and pagination from Martines, Lauro: Fire In The City: Savonarola and the struggle for the soul of Renaissance Florence ; Oxford University Press, New York 2006