Tuesday, October 31, 2017

Polyneices and Jocasta Speak On Exile via Euripides, Phoenissae, i

From the Greek text of Euripides as found in the tufts.edu collection. What follows here is the reunion of mother and child. As lain out before, this is a dialogue presented by Euripides in his Phoenissae. This dialogue also is what Francesco Filelfo chose to introduce the concept of exile in his dialogue from the fifteenth century. This bit of conversation begins here with a rush of words from Polyneices (lines 358-78) presented in English from a twentieth century translation by Peter Burian and Brian Swann and published by Oxford University Press (1981). There follows a rough translation of the rapid-fire back and forth between mother and son as she looks to learn the son's motives and experience. This will continue later, along with Filelfo's latin rework of the same bit of dialogue.

Scene. Jocasta, at the palace gate in Thebes, hears at length the Chorus of women there calling to her, asking why she takes so long to hold her son in her arms. She sees him, she greets him, she tells him she grieves. She tells him his father, blind, looks to escape life, cursing his children. She has to tell the son, she knows, already, he is married, grieving that she could not host his wedding. She tells him that regardless of why, all these burdens fall on her.

Euripides has his chorus leader step forward, almost reassuringly, to remind that this is indeed how women respond when their life turns upside down, and they have to explain again.
"The pains of childbirth are frightening and painful/ for women. And so all women worship their children."
Polyneices steps forward warily.
Mother, after careful thought, I have come/
carelessley among my enemies. But no one/
can choose not to love his own native soil./
He who says otherwise loves words, not truth./
I was so frightened, I came in such fear that some ruse/
of my brother would ruin me, that I walked through this city/
clutching my sword, turning my head this way and that./
Only one thing gave me comfort: your truce, and your pledge/
that let me pass through ancestral walls. I came/
weeping, seeing after so long the seats and altars/
of the gods, the gymnasia where I was seated,/
the waters of Dirke. I have been exiled from these,/
living in a strange land, my eyes streaming tears --/
but I go from one grief to another, I see you,/
your hair cropped close, dressed in black robes./
O, my sorrows! How strange and monstrous, mother,/
is hatred within families./ [lines 358-78]*
...
His mother Jocasta thinks it's wrong for the gods to destroy this family, where the son forced himself on the mother, so that she gave birth to children she knows are called wrong. But that's all done.
ἀτὰρ τί ταῦταδεῖ φέρειν τὰ τῶν θεῶν
What's to do about it? One must bear these things from the gods.
The thing she wants to know though she doesn't want to hurt him in asking.
  χρῄζωδιὰ πόθου δ᾽ ἐλήλυθα.
These are the things I want: across desire and having come.
She wants to know what was the longing like, the reasons for return.
__________

Polyneices answers, he'll tell her and not leave things out.
What is your plan, what are such things to me, mother, dear.
__________

Jocasta will ask first then, what a thing it is to be deprived of one's country? A great badness?
__________

μέγιστονἔργῳ δ᾽ ἐστὶ μεῖζον  λόγῳ.
The biggest. And it's bigger in doing than in telling.
__________

τίς  τρόπος αὐτοῦτί φυγάσιν τὸ δυσχερές;
What was the turn of it? What is it they run from?
Literally, those let go, what do they flee?
__________
ἓν μὲν μέγιστονοὐκ ἔχει παρρησίαν.
The biggest is in not keeping all speech.
__________

δούλου τόδ᾽ εἶπαςμὴ λέγειν  τις φρονεῖ.
The lot of a slave you say, not to speak what's on your mind.
__________

τὰς τῶν κρατούντων ἀμαθίας φέρειν χρεών.
The follies of the strong must be carried.
__________

καὶ τοῦτο λυπρόνσυνασοφεῖν τοῖς μὴ σοφοῖς.
and such misery, to join with the unskilled rather than with those skilled.
__________

ἀλλ᾽ ἐς τὸ κέρδος παρὰ φύσιν δουλευτέον.
another is that the reward of slavery is against nature.
__________

αἱ δ᾽ ἐλπίδες βόσκουσι φυγάδαςὡς λόγος.
But hopes nourish exiles, so it's said.
__________
καλοῖς βλέπουσαί γ᾽ ὄμμασινμέλλουσι δέ.
Beautiful to have seen especially with the eyes, as intended.

In other words, hopes are better realized, rather than just wanted.

To be continued...
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*Euripides, Phoenician Women ; translated Peter Burian and Brian Swann; Oxford University Press, 1981, NY

Monday, October 30, 2017

Letters: Erasmus to Rhenanus c. 15 October 1518, ii

More from the letter of Desiderius Erasmus to his friend Beatus Rhenanus.
"... on my lame horse rode quickly to the Count of Neuenahr's... staying at Bedburg... [where] I stayed five days very pleasantly, in such peace and quiet... I completed a good part of the revision -- I had taken that part of the New Testament with me...."
And with good company there, felt well enough to go on to visit the Bishop of Liege, and then return healthy and ready for his friends in Brabant.
"What dinner-parties, what felicitations, what discussions I promised myself! But ah, deceptive human hopes! ah, the sudden and unexpected vicissitudes of human affairs! From these high dreams of happiness I was hurled to the depths of misfortune." 
Readied for the next day's travel with a pair of horses and a carriage, again, a potential delay threatened to disrupt Erasmus' forward motion.
"That night a wild hurricane [sic] sprang up, which had passed before the next morning. Nevertheless I rose after midnight, to make some notes for the Count; when it was already seven o'clock and the Count did not emerge, I asked for him to be waked. He came, and in his customary sly and modest way asked me whether I meant to leave in such bad weather, saying he was afraid for me. At that point, my dear Beatus, some god or bad angel deprived me, not of the half of my senses, as Hesiod says, but of the whole.... I wish that either my friend had warned me more sharply or that I had paid more attention to his most affectionate remonstrances! I was seized by the power of fate: what else am I to say? I climbed into an uncovered carriage, the wind blowing 'strong as when in the high mountains it shivers the trembling holm-oaks.' It was a south wind and blowing like the very pest, I thought I was well protected by my wrappings, but it went through evereything with its violence."
Cold and wet he arrived in Aachen where he was taken by a priest to the house of a friend reccommended by the Count.
"There several canons [priests] were holding their usual drinking-party. My appetite had been sharpened by a very light lunch; but at the time they had nothing by them but carp, and cold carp at that. I ate to repletion. The drinking went on well into the night. I excused myself and went to bed, as I had very little sleep the night before.... [next] day at the Vice-Provost's house ... there was no fish there apart from eel... the fault of the storm... I lunched off a fish dried in the open air, which the Germans call Stockfisch, from the rod used to beat it... but I discovered that part of this one had not been properly cured. ...The weather ... appalling, I took myself off to the inn and ordered a fire to be lit. ... I began to feel very uncomfortable... went to the privy.... inserted my finger in my mouth, and the uncured fish came up, but that was all. I lay down afterwards, not so much sleeping as resting, without any pain in my head or body; then, having struck a bargain with the coachman over the bags, I received an invitation to the evening compotation. I excused myself without success."
He went anyway. There was plenty of food but he still felt sour and drank only 'a little warmed ale.' When he came back out again 'his empty body shivered fearfully in the night air.' But by next morning he had the urge to move again.
"... I mounted my horse, who was lame and ailing, which made riding more uncomfortable. By now I was in such a state that I would have been better keeping warm in bed than mounted on horseback. But that district is the most countrified, roughest, barren, and unattractive imaginable, the inhabitants are so idle; so that I preferred to run away."
He felt he could not depend on those locals in Aachen to care for him, because they were so idle. Afraid of the bandits that he thought were plentiful there, even this fear was driven out of his mind because of his illness. He went from Aachen to Maastricht (some seven or eight miles) where he stopped for a drink and then rode on to Tongeren another three miles.
"This last ride was by far the most painful to me. The awkward gait of the horse gave me excruciating pains in the kidneys. It would have been easier to walk, but I was afraid of sweating, and there was a danger of the night catching us still out in the country."
Here he took some more ale and went to bed. In the morning he got up again to keep going but, mounted on a horse, he fainted. He was roused and put in a carriage to be delivered almost to St Troad [Sint Truiden] where he again found a bed to sleep in and arranged for passage the following day. Here he also learned that he had also missed finding the Bishop of Liege who he said he'd wanted to meet with on this journey. By the time he reached Louvain he had broke an ulcer and after a night's rest, called the surgeon. He applied poultices and told the servants on the way out that Erasmus had the plague. He didn't but boils and a fever. After two more 'medical opinions' Erasmus remained unconvinced and decided to trust it to God. In three days he had an appetite and then got back to his studies.

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Huizinga, Johan: Erasmus and the Age of Reformation  with a selection from the letters of Erasmus ; (reprint), Bibliobazaar, Charleston, SC, 2008




Thursday, October 26, 2017

Fresh Results of the Unpopular Misrule of Empire from the US: news October 2017

After catastrophic hurricane Irma devastated Puerto Rico and the US Virgin Islands, the Trump Administration in DC proposed loans. But very little else to the shock and dismay of everyone. Inrastructure there struggles after six weeks to reach even 20% of what it was prior to the hurricane and, Trump's hand-picked contractor to work on the electrical grid there in Puerto Rico seems ill-equipped.
The fires in northern California have been the state's worst on record.
Here's a view of a neighborhood in Sata Rosa, CA.
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Catalonia has been threatening to secede from the rest of Spain for a month.

Daesh lost their capital in Raqqa and sent many fighting for them home.
Immediately Iraq began marshalling its forces for a concerted attack on the Kurdish people in the north. Turkey says it will coordinate.
Someone is trying to overthrow Qatar. Saudi Arabia seems to have motive, means and opportunity all sewn up.

Elections are annulled in Kenya and put off in the DRCongo. Meanwhile tensions boil in Nigeria and Cameroon.
An unimaginably huge exodus is occurring out of Myanmar the last month as whispers of genocide spread.
A massive explosion rocked Somalia, with more to follow. Four US soldiers were ambushed and killed in Niger so that news has overtaken the news cycles for many days in the states, but little about Somalia is heard.
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This new Congress in Washington, DC is so ineffectual it can't renew basic help for poor kids and their families.
Even though now that the KOCH's have bankrolled half of Congress, and their current allies like the Mercer's continue to use the President thru his 'ex-advisor' Bannon, the richest in charge think that US government deficits don't matter anymore.
And it has big plans for the annual ALEC party next year scheduled for Trump Hotel in DC.

The current Administration is also establishing a pattern of leaving old friends behind.

Friday, October 20, 2017

Letters: Erasmus to Rhenanus c. 15 October 1518, i

At the height of his fame, fall brought Desiderius Erasmus back to teach in Louvain. He didn't like the constant change much. In a letter to an old friend dated c. October 15, 1518, he describes miserable iterations of his frequent travel itinerary. He had come to Louvain by 1516, then, as now, a university town. But, unhappy with that role in that place, he would continue to travel to see if he could find a more suitable locale to do his work.

Mention must be made that this letter comes thru the transmission of Johann Huizinga's 20th century classic Erasmus and the Age of Reformation that first appeared in Dutch in 1924. It is Huizinga's choice of letters that were published with later editions of this penetrating biography, that also brings an emotional, psychological insight to the man. It seems suitable then to begin to look at this figure from a nearly interior point of view by including one of these sections where the great man simply suffers hardship and tells it in confidence.

The hardships of the journeys did make Erasmus sore, irritable, sick with fever. Of course, he would survive nearly twenty years more. Still it's easy to imagine him, bouncing on horseback or riding in a close packed carriage, thinking of his years, or, of thirty years before, when his parents had died of the plague, along with so many others he'd known since. Writing to his friend Beatus Rhenanus, a close follower and helper to Erasmus in all his work at that time, we get an intimate view here of the famous Dutch intellectual and Renaissance man stripped of much of the discerning subtlety that had made him famous. This also includes a river trip down the Rhine river.

"... Let me describe to you ... the whole tragi-comedy of my journey. I was still weak and listless, as you know, when I left Basle, not having come to terms witht the climate, after skulking at home so long, and occupied in uninterrupted labors at that. The river voyage was not unpleasant, but that around midday the heat of the sun  was somewhat trying. We had a meal at Breisach, the most unpleasant meal I have ever had. The smell of food nearly finished me, and then the flies, worse than the smell. We sat at table doing nothing for more than half an hour, waiting.... In the end nothing fit was served; filthy porridge with lumps in it and salt fish reheated not for the first time, enough to make one sick. ... a pretty story; that Minorite theologian with whom I had disputed heceitas had taken it on himself to pawn the church chalices. Scotist ingenuity! Just before nightfall we were put out at a dull village; I do not feel like discovering its name, and if I knew I should not care to tell you it. I nearly perished there. We had supper in a small room like a sweating-chamber, more than sixty of us, I should say, an indiscriminate collection of rapscallions, and this went on till nearly ten o'clock; oh, the stench and the noise, particularly after they had become intoxicated! Yet we had to remain sitting to suit their clocks." [p. 264]
Scotist ingenuity and heceitas refers cynically to the famed medieval scholiast and, the idea of Duns Scotus. Famous for among other things, coming up with the idea and proving for the Church, that there exists an essential, unique element that makes the individual itself. Erasmus can joke!

"In the morning while it was still quite dark we were driven from bed by the shouting of the sailors. I went on board without having either supped or slept. We reached Strasbourg before lunch at about nine o'clock; there we had a more comfortable reception ... as Schürer produced some wine.... Gerbel outdoing all the rest in politeness. Gebwiler and Rudolfingen did not want me to pay, no new thing with them. Thence we proceeded on horseback as far as Speyer; we saw no sign of soldiers anywhere, although there had been alarming rumours. The English horse completely collapsed and hardly got to Speyer; that criminal smith had handled him so badly that he ought to have both his ears branded.... At Speyer I slipped away from the inn and took myself to my neighbor Maternus. There Decanus, a learned and cultivated man, entertained me courteously and agreeably for two days." [p. 265]
From there he travels further on horseback north again to Worms and on to Mainz where his hosts, and Erasmus' journey, are more enjoyable. But by the time he gets to Cologne the weather had grown worse. He tries to set up a lunch and carriage and pair of horses for next day's travel. These all fall through and Erasmus strikes out on his own. This pattern would repeat. The rest of this letter, and others, will be continued later.
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Huizinga, Johan: Erasmus and the Age of Reformation  with a selection from the letters of Erasmus ; (reprint), Bibliobazaar, Charleston, SC, 2008


Since the original publication in 1924 by Charles Scribner's Sons, in New York, this book has gone thru numerous editions. It was translated for the 1924 edition into English by F. Hopman and was originally titled Erasmus of Rotterdam. The reprint I'm using seems exactly the same as the Dover (2001) and Harper  (1957) editions, but with different pagination and without an index. Without these other versions in front of me, I can't tell when the inclusion of the Erasmian letters occurred or what their date of publication is.

Saturday, October 14, 2017

Papal Favorite Bartolomeo Flores Replaced: October 14, 1497

There had been reports at the Vatican that one of Pope Alexander VI's secretaries, now Archbishop of Consenza, Don Bartolomeo Flores, had been helping to reward himself through his position. In September, the pope at last relented and the order went out that Flores should be arrested along with his counsel and some secretaries. Just one of many glimpses at the inner workings of this Borgia papacy, here the story is its' own censorious responses to accusations of corruption aimed at this pope's own appointments. Again we are informed by Johann Burchard, from his voluminous chronici.

Flores was arrested in mid September, and he and his servants were taken to the Castel Sant' Angelo.
"Don Bartolomeo himself was escorted along the passage in the wall joining the castle and the palace by the prison captain and his men, and lodged under careful guard in the castle.  The pope had learned that his secretary had sent out many false and harmful papal briefs, forging their contents and instructions against His Holiness's wish or without his knowledge, and issuing them through his servants. Amongst these briefs was one dispensation by which a Portuguese nun, a legitimate member of the royal family, could lay aside her religious habit and vows and could contract a marriage with the natural and illegitimate son of the late king; another allowed that a person in subdeacon's orders could marry; whilst further briefs in great numbers, amounting in all it was said to around three thousand, authorized changes in the collation of expectancies, provided dispensations for ecclesiastical preferment, and gave exemptions from the jurisdiction of Ordinaries." [p. 149]
These last three examples give a great deal of insight to the mechanisms of power and its uses in eccesiastical realms of the time, and crucially what had to be recognized - at the highest levels - as clear abuses of that power. The 'collation of expectancies', reordering how money came in, in order to lead how it might be allocated could funnel all sorts of monies and projects. The 'providing of dispensations for preferment' was a widespread practice across Christendom, but so was the wait before a seat, or office could be authorized from Rome. Taking it upon himself to make such authorizations and the consequent complaints brought the spotlight on him.

"A secret consistory was held Monday, October 9th," while the man himself stayed locked in Castel San' Angelo in Rome. After the meeting where evidence was read and decided on, Flores was denied his post (by papal writ on 13 October), and all the other benefices he had set up. It was also decided for Flores to lose his office and orders, and be delivered to the secular authorties. This meant being handed over to the City Bargello, like a Chief of Police. But immediately, the pope's private chanberlain and a bishop-elect came to the Castle to ask the Bargello to keep him confined in the cell there. This was done and allowed.

"On the same day, after dinner and following these proceedings, all Don Bartolomeo's possessions were, on the pope's orders, carried from the apartment which he had become accustomed to use in the Vatican Palace and set down in the papal store-room by His Holiness's private servant." p. 150

Next day, the 14th, the pope had chosen another secretary and then a couple days later, another archbishop was appointed to Consenza, thereby splitting the 'duties' of Don Bartolomeo into separate domains. By the end of the month, Flores was further reduced and assigned to 'another more squalid dungeon,' in Gadrian's sepulchre called San Marocco. He was also
"... made to put on over his shirt a gown of coarse white cloth which fell in  heavy folds to just above the knees, and was provided with a pair of shoes of coarse leather, a loose cloak of rough green cloth that reached to the ground, and a white cap." p.151
Given three loaves of bread, a cask of water and a jug of oil, a Bible, a Breviary, and a copy of the epistle of Peter, a castellan was also assigned to bring him food and water once a day and there he was incarcerated for the rest of his life.He died there the following July. This Borgia pope, in addition to confiscating the property of Flores alos had his letters seized and used these as evidence to show how Flores had acted without the Pope's authorization, in settling a dispute with the the Monarchs of Spain and which is another story.
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pp. 148-51, Johann Burchard: At The Court of the Borgia translated for english, with introduction by Geoffrey Parker, The Folio Society, Ltd, 1963


Thursday, October 5, 2017

Filelfo On Exile, The Case of Polyneices of Euripides: Contexts

Over the summer I've been gathering a number of the versions of a speech, and dialogue between a mother and son. There is no getting around it. The story this dialogue is pulled from is classic Greek tragedy. Euripides was not a fan of war or civil war and considered it a kind of curse for a nation or city, and did so in the strongest possible language. Just over 1850 years later, in the 1440's, an Italian included some of this dialogue in his own dialogue involving Italians talking about exile.

The setting for Francesco Filelfo's fictional dialogue On Exile  was a gathering of just a few gentlemen in Florence there discussing what to do in the future event of their own political exile. Crucially the very idea remains a future thought, a possibility, and not yet a reality for the conversants. This was not so for some of the other well-connected in those days. The setting for this fictional dialogue was during the time of the return of Cosimo de Medici to Florence in the 1430's, and just before many of the participants here were turned out.

This dialogue in four books itself was a new kind of fiction in literature. At once a gift (to a prospective patron), this book detailed the talk of an imaginary gathering ocurring a dozen years or more before the book's production. Full of wandering conversations presented in a loose, as-it-happens manner, it also, acts as a structured composition, all of which was also presented as reliable memory. More of the author's and this publication's contexts are here.

To show their weight, the conversants give examples from memory of books, past texts meant to support arguments of this or that position. And so, this dialogue presents both contrasting and comparing ideas pulled in from many places and times as the talk ranges across millenia.

In a substantial introduction himself, Filelfo provides the setting for his chosen recipient (the prospective patron) of this dialogue, and then, launches into a quick discussion between a father and a son, about the worries abounding in exile and things to remember when considering it. It is not long into this back-and-forth when the father here, Paolo Strozzi, seems to have assessed his son's worries and asks if he remembers the speech of Polyneices in Euripides. [i,57]
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Like I said, over the summer I've been gathering a number of the translations of this bit of dialogue between Polyneices and his mother Jocasta, produced in English in the modern era. They meet before the palace walls of Thebes. Polyneices has brought an army to take control what he thinks should be his city from the forces of his brother, Eteocles, with their father being kept 'buried behind bolted doors'. Jocasta, is the mother in this play of Euripides', called Phoenician Women, where Oedipus is their father. These sons now with armies set and ready for war are the sons of Oedipus, and his mother remains, Jocasta. Euripides has her explain at the very beginning of his play.
"Sun, flaring in your flames, what a harmful ray/ you hurled at Thebes that day when Kadmos quit/seaswept Phoenicia, and came to this country."
Kadmus married Harmonia, child of Kypris. and had a son Polydoros who fathered Labdakos, father of Laios. Laios married Jocasta, daughter, according to Euripides, of Menoikeus . Jocasta bore Laios a son that was later called 'Swell-foot', or Oedipus by the Greeks. The boy of course, was abandoned, and when found and raised, wondered who his real parents were. The day would come when Laios and Oedipus met on the road to Delphi at 'the split in the Phokis road', and the driver of King Laios' cart roared, "Out of the road, stranger! Make way for a king".

"... Then followed -- but why not steer straight/ to the point? Son killed father, took chariot and team... And somehow it happened that Oedipus/ my son understood the Sphinx song, and took/ the scepter of this country as reward, and took/ as bride her who bore him, the miserable man --/ and she who bore him did not know she was/ sleeping with her son. So to my child I gave birth/ to two children, two males, Eteocles/ and Polyneices the powerful,..." [lines 42-50. ]
The one brother left voluntarily to stay out of the other's way, and the other stayed in Thebes and, in time, brought all power to himself. Things grew so disparate and contrary that in time, Polyneices knew he had to return, and with an army. The scene is set and before battle is enjoined, the son approaches the gate to meet his mother to find a way to stop the coming carnage.

The story in Euripides moves right along with practiced rigor, tight, with damaging testimony and baleful warning. [The Greek text of Euripides is and follows here.] The dialogue of Filelfo overall, moves at a much more leisurely pace. But the presentation of this Euripidean dialogue within Filelfo's, is stark and comes like a hammer to the head. A modern English translation of Polyneices' initial speech to Jocasta will follow.
"..." 
...

After long discourses and an argument with the character of Poggio Bracciolini over the benefits of abstenance from drink, Palla Strozzi the chief speaker in book i, returns to mention Polyneices again. This time it is in order to call him a liar for saying he received nothing from his patronym when he could not have married King Adrastus' daughter without such a name. More on this again when time permits.
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Filelfo, FrancescoOn Exile,  Edited by Jeroen de Keyser and translated by W. Scott Blanchard, for The I Tatti Renaissance Library (ITRI); by The President and Fellows of Harvard College, USA 2013

pageturner chronicles: ii, 1502, 1519, 1497, 1470

Remembering Anne of Foix in Venice, August of 1502. From a previous post that extensively quotes Marin Sanudo.

Bernal Diaz remembers also how to tell a story, recalling the days before the Europeans' march to Tlaxcala in 1519.
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Filling an entire chapter, the episode in Florence involving the five executed for treason, in the early hours of 22 August 1497 is carefully lain out in Lauro Martines' work on Girolamo Savonarola. Weinstein handles the story more circumspectly as one of a series of hardships that added to the sense of a continued siege mentality for the city of Florence as a whole. His sources here remain plentiful and typical of the period. These include the 1930 bio of  Pasquale Villari, and the contemporaries Parenti and Guicciardini, as well as the works and testimony of Savonarola himself.

Weinstein: pp. 240-4
Martines: pp. 182-200

Lauro Martines spends quite a bit more time with the matter. Notes for his ch. 14, ... will go to a link found here.
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Savonarola spent the fall 1497 and the following winter, among other things, beginning to write his Dialogue on the Truth of Prophecy, an allegory where he disputes with the Seven Gifts of The Holy Spirit.
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another Bracciolini reference

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Popocatepetl in central Mexico just blew its top with two other eruptions and a dozen exhalations in the last few hours [edit 0800 GMT 06Oct17]. Here's a live cam on youtube with local audio.
Here's an article on Cortes at the foot of it boasting. Here's another of them before and a view of the Mexica ambassador trying to warn them.

Wednesday, September 6, 2017

summer news 2017

It has already been two months since I've noted the news here. But that's because that's been terrible. The fires and floods overtake the imminent and exacting wars by so much, that the stories of massacres and refugees become whispers, interrupted by disaster bulletins.

Backing up to when people talked like they wanted to do something in the US Gov. the media had spent much of June and July talking about a repeal and replacement of the American HealthcareAct (ACA) known as Obamacare. But Congress could not find enough votes to pass something that only a few were allowed to see or discuss, and that in fits and starts.
There was no direction (but a few simple commands and reprimands, by tweet) from the new White House of Trump, so, the Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R) KY, brought out the worst possible bill they could muster. John McCain voted against the resolution coming before the floor and that was it. No more talk about repeal and replace, for now. And after seven years that had been a primary goal as a party. The Republican party wanted power to 'repeal Obama's agenda' and then when they got it, found a way it can't use it to do what they said they wanted, when eventually they've found at last that they don't want to do it. At the very least, not a recognizable form of leadership. But they're not the only branch vying for the award for 'Least Viable'.

White Nationalists in the US decided that the year of Trump would be a good time for them to recruit. The country recoiled in horror.
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Career government officials have been retiring and quitting in droves because they can't or won't work with the new administration and its collective maladroit flailings. And frequent self-lacerating lungings.
It's bad when it takes this sort of thing to bring a smile to the face.
Meanwhile, North Korea is terrorizing everyone with its multiple successfull missile launches - one of which flew over the Japanese island of Hokkaido - and this week, a major underground explosion which was called a hydrogen bomb detonation.

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Besides the major fires out west (especially in L.A. and Oregon), Hurricane season is battering the US and the Caribbean now, with Irma, one of the largest hurricanes ever recorded. But for the last couple weeks the news has swirled around the destruction and effects of what's been called a 500 year flood, in the wake of Hurricane Harvey that made landfall on the west coast of Texas August 25.

Behind all the disasters in Washington looms another waiting to make landfall. In July, the Wall Street Journal asked the President of the United States to come clean on what it knew about the involvement of Russia in last year's campaigns. This week, the presdient;s son, Don Jr is supposed to testify before Congress on Thursday.

There's so much more, but time feels wasted on news in such terrible times. Yet that is also so troubling since it is during disasters that other criminals elsewhere can get away with much worse. The reports out of Myanmar are few but horrifying as well, as ethnic Royhinga and others flee that country.

Friday, September 1, 2017

Francesco Filelfo Ponders Exile As A Dialogue

Scattered across the introduction, notable quotes enunciate topical areas of focus in Francesco Filelfo's Commentationem Florentinarum De Exilio. Our Editor and Translator tell us his

"... fictional dialogue is a remarkable text, an idealized projection of cultural life at a high-water mark in Western history." [xxiiii]
And, "... contributing to an important humanistic topic of ... the debate on true nobility: was "nobility" a characteristic that was inherited, or could it be earned by meritorious acts that displayed noble values?" [xvii]
The author Filelfo was almost a kind of exile himself. He still has a long standing bad reputation of being greedy, lustful and vain but could read ancient Greek as well as any humanist and had lived in and gotten to know most of the important cities across Italy. Learned as well as travelled, he had argued with and studied under many of the great thinkers and doers of the Italian Renaissance.  So it is and, it seems almost apt that such a fictional dialogue among some of these people answering the question, 'What to do about Exile', should appear in those days, especially when written by one who might see himself in such a circumstance. Already in reading the barest beginnings of this book I wonder, if there had not been this book, then there would still be a greater need for it.

The town these people spoke about concerning exile was Florence. At the time non-noble families had begun ruling even prominent cities, and at that time she was ruled by those forces led and influenced by Cosimo de' Medici. Writing a dozen or more years after the events of Cosimo's grand return to Florence in 1434, Filelfo thereafter found himself outside of Florence having left for Siena, and then again, looking for a patron or, more patrons, he'd at last found one in the last Visconti to rule Milan.

Written likely in the late 1440's and among those in the court around Milan, Filelfo dedicated the work to a Milanese financer Vitaliano Borromeo. The text seems to not be completed at three books, as there are textual refernces to a fourth book. But as it stands, in this fine current translation for English, with Filelfo's latin text lain aside it, perhaps Francesco Filelfo and his world may come alive again for some. When Duke Visconti died, Filelfo turned his attentions at last to Francesco Sforza, another 'new man'.

Another question that Renaissance humanists tried to reconcile was in finding the right balance for Franciscan and other austere Observant Orders and their spiritual desires for a specific form of poverty (not 'owning' land and property), while simultaneously living in the middle of thriving urban living situations. The complications arising from such disorder brought forth many ruptures in civic order not just across Italy, but in time, the whole of Europe. These sorts of issues created other issues as various solutions were attempted and failed. The point here is that the idea of wealth in a church and wealth in society, like the banking families had, were different things and effected society in different ways. One seemingly leading to the other.

E.g., from the introduction again:
"In such communities the accumulation of wealth was often rapid, and the patronage of social elites depended on the large fortunes, often from banking, of families like the Medici and the Strozzi. It was these large fortunes that enabled a remarkable improvement in the quality of life for members of the elite and contributed to the enormous cultural achievements of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries." [xx]

Here, Filelfo has Leonardo Bruni once a teacher of Filelfo join the stage along with Poggio Bracciolini and Palla Strozzi and Francesco Soderini and they talk about economics as it relates to exile. Bruni is there to 'show his disgust at the way the Medici use their money for political ends.' While Bruni thought himself that 'wealth was acceptable to virtue' this virtue then depended on how the wealth was used. But then, this shows how Filelfo himself contrasts Bruni's notion, critical of Cosimo, with the more effective and potentially generous patron, Vitaliano Borromeo. To point this out isn't very flattering for Filelfo but speaks of the necessities of his own milieu in finding someone to pay him for his work. [xxi]

Despite his reputation or the exigencies of work in those days Filelfo was an interesting guy in interesting times. He outlived many who had crossed paths with him. Far from a monolithic sermonizer he collected all manner of interesting topics simply looking at what he had found the ancients thought about exile. There should be lots of these here.
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Filelfo, Francesco: On Exile,  Edited by Jeroen de Keyser and translated by W. Scott Blanchard, for The I Tatti Renaissance Library (ITRI); by The President and Fellows of Harvard College, USA 2013



Friday, August 4, 2017

Lamberto dell'Antella Captured and Forced To Answer For Conspiracy: August 4, 1497

The terrible summer of 1497 in Florence seemed unrelenting. There was the failed attack in April by Piero de'Medici, the ousted former inherited ruler. There was the swirling attacks and rumors and then the notice of the excommunication of the still popular Dominican friar Savonarola. Plague struck this time as well with an additional fever that also killed many. Something surely had to give.

After the announcement in June 'with bell, book and candle' in five great churches of the status of friar Savonarola, opinions flared again. Published pamphlets mocked, people in the streets hurled passing insults, and the youth brawled in the public spaces. Weinstein has Piero Parenti report that,
Nighttime demonstrators flung insults and threats at the walls of San Marco. Scurrilous verses and obscene cartoons littered the streets.... Other speakers warned that the city would pay for harboring an excommunicant.
Franciscans, Augustinians, Conventual Dominicans, as well as his regular opponents the "Mad Dog" Arrabbiati, and others surely, spread the cry against Savonarola. [p.231] But in letters sent all summer, the man himself seemed undeterred. [pp. 233-4] A petition was circulated by his supporters. This, passed out on the streets by the faithful was so hated that the Arrabbiati complained to the Signoria. It was a way to collect intelligenza they said about potential voting blocs, an idea which had been struck out as a way to influence the Republic's still fragile democractic body.  The plague of June intensified into July.

quotes and pagination from Donald Weinstein: Savonarola: the rise and fall of a renaissance prophet , Yale University Press, New Haven, 2011
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But despite the efforts of some, politics was anything but a monolithic affair of one family or another, even in the age of the famous de'Medici. Many families, many names, many ages of personalities among family members found themselves aligned with this or that group for shorter or longer bits of time or, over this or that cause. With the exile of the latest great name, many of their former followers found it hard to come up with other things to do. Many remained quiet partisans until such time might come when, they might coalesce again to advance a cause. The failed attack by Piero de'Medici in the spring was followed by news from Rome of Savonarola's excommunication. Meanwhile, many of the city leaders in the Signoria had repeatedly tried to increase the voter franchise, in order to lessen the relative power of the various fluid factions.

In this rocky summer, Lamberto dell'Antella had written a letter asking permission to return. Secretly tracked and arrested just a few miles outside he was brought as a prisoner back into the City. From a famous and ancient family that had long supported and prospered with the de'Medici, and as an ardent supporter of Piero himself, Lamberto had been exiled from the City, called a rebel, an outlaw. In the wake of the attack in the springtime that year, Lamberto and his brother had left the field and ended up in Siena. But having caused more trouble than aid, Piero asked the Sienese to imprison the brothers for safe-keeping. Lamberto wrote that he wanted to return to his native City and tell what he knew about the goings of the ungrateful Piero.

Instead, Lamberto dell'Antella was tortured, hung up with ropes by his armpits and then dropped several feet with a jolt that could dislocate the shoulders. At first, a tumble of names came out. Wealthy men, prominent men, names with important family ties all drawn in the calumnious storm. As word got out, sceptics were quick to deflect and accuse. He had a lot of enemies, he needed money, his brother in Siena needed help. Yet he was full of gossip about Piero. The lifestyle, the parties, even a list of those who Piero wanted to take out when he returned. Hard pressed he gave up two more names of notables. These were captured and in turn tortured. They gave up more names and stories, even implicating that spring's Gonfalonier Bernardo del Nero.

The Signory sent their messengers and called for him, and many of these others, to come at once to help a government matter. They willingly went expecting to act, out of  a sense of duty.
"Fearing the escape of the chief suspects, the Signory and Eight resorted to trickery. Served with invitations, Del Nero, Ridolfi and Lorenzo Tornabuoni were accompanied to the Palace by messengers of the Signory ... expecting a consultation or a simple round of questioning. If they went without suspicion, a surprise awaited them, for on ascending the main staircase of the palace and reaching a certain landing, instead of moving on to the audience chamber of the Priors, they were suddenly turned the other way and led into the quarters of the Eight." [p. 185]
They too were arrested and then harshly interrogated. Ridolfi was the brother to Giovanbattista Ridolfi, a well-known adviser to friar Savonarola. A few lesser known men were hung over the findings of the interrogations while the process of information gathering and punishment continued. By mid month a trial had been called for five men: the two that Dell'Antella gave up, Giannozzo Pucci and Giovanni de Bernardo Cambi, as well as Bernardo del Nero, Niccolo Ridolfi, and Lorenzo Tornabuoni. This went on four days while the City raged. Petitions poured in to support them and begged for mercy. But they were executed in the middle of the night. This too had its consequences for many among the powerful and influential there. One medievalist claims that previous state executions were a rare thing but was used more often after this affair.

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quotes from pp. 182-7, in Martines, Lauro:  Fire In The City: Savonarola and the struggle for the soul of Renaissance Florence Oxford University Press, Inc.,NY 2006

early Martin Luder notes cribbed from Lyndal Roper's bio

First, a chrono:
1483 born
1497 Mansfield to Madgeburg, began latin
1498 to Eisenach, became recognised by most there, a place full of churches, revered St George,  and he stayed there w/ The Schalbes
1501 to Erfurt
1505 finishes MA, determined to study law
1505 July 17: joins Augustinian order, against his father's wishes, a businessman managing mines
1507 Luder performs first Mass
Erfurt politics p. 39-41
1508-9: year of study in Wittenburg(p. 63*), monastery life pp 41-4
his temptations, Anfechtungen pp.44-7
1510 to Rome, description/L's reactions to the Eternal City: pp 48-51
1511 return to Wittenburg, visiting Laminit in Augsburg on way back, a famous anorexic nun pp52-3
1512 Oct: gains doctorate, becomes district vicar in charge of 11 districts, incl personnel elevation,transfer and finances; got flak from teachers back in Erfurt for it too, pp 55-6
On sins and sinners, pp 56-9
Learning from Staupitz, his confessor ad mentor, what differentiated them, pp. 53-60
1515 becomes Bible prof at Wittenberg, May at Staupitz' direction: sermonizes (in Gotha), disputates over Psalms, Romans, pp 60-2
Wittenburg history and layers, pp 63-71
on minorities and Jews: pp 65-6
on relics bringing money: pp. 67-70
on wealth bringing artists: pp 71-3
on new friends and ideas: pp. 73-8
on L's personal prestige at uni: pp. 78-80

the 95 theses: pp 80-7... Maybe really 87 theses, and then not at Wittenburg exactly...
arguing theses against scholastics at uni p 81*, how the process, methods seems to expose Luther's own contradictions -p.82
dissemination of these and their receptions p 83
April 1518 argues against theological logic, philosophy, pp 91-3
May 1518: writes letter to Trutfetter, p 94
May1518: publishes sermon On Indulgences and Grace, p 84
Nuremburg friends p 85
there began also book burnings, p 85
Substance of inflammation Against 95 theses, p 86, his name change
Luther's thoughts as compared w/ Theologica deutsch, pp 88-90; his consequent logical forms and methods in his social mileu, Roper concludes for the now self-named Eleutherius, overcame these early influences of mysticism

* great loccalizing, focusing quotes from this author
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Roper, Lyndal: Martin Luther: Renegade and Prophet; Random House, NY, 2017

Monday, July 31, 2017

Aldo Manutius: Publisher, Classicist, Humanist, Christian

Aldus Manutius was born in the small hillside town of Bassiano mid-century in the province of Latina east-south-east of Rome. As a boy he went to university and attended lectures of Domizio Calderini and studied rhetoric under Gaspare da Verona there in Rome. Aldo continued as a student thru the 1460's and into the 1470's and (probably) in the latter part of that decade, moved to Ferrara to work under Battisti Guarini, where Aldo pursued the study of Greek language.

In a few years, Aldo took a position as tutor to the sons of Caterina Pio. She was the widow of Leonello, and was also the sister of Giovanni Pico della Mirandola. Aldo and Giovanni had likely met at Ferrara and subsequently had spent some time working together in 1482. Manutius himself said he spent six years in Carpi teaching the young princes Alberto and Leonello Pio until 1489. Carpi lies just north of Modena, south of Verona and due west from Ferrara, along the southern plain of the Po River in north Italy. Surrounded by several other towns and schools known for their various disciplines that qualified as education for the times, in Carpi, he also had a ringside seat for the various political upheavals and other turbulent news that swirled in those days.

In 1489 he decisively moved to Venice and, by his own later remarks we learn he had begun the process of publishing his first text in Greek by that same, or, the very next year. This work, a Greek Grammar, of Constantine Lascaris, finally appeared in March of 1495. That same year Manuzzio also began publishing a five volume edition of works of Aristotle. To accomplish this work he had also secured private investment for the second of the five vols. In a couple more years, Manuzio had branched out into publishing works from this same benefactor, Lorenzo Maioli, a Genoan who taught philosophy in Ferrara.

Formerly as a teacher, Manuzio had seen the usefulness inherent in logic and rhetoric, and especially in the original languages. Then, as a publisher, he saw the necessity of spreading the means  - a published work of grammar - as well as the widely recognised substance, the logic and dialectics, of none other than Aristotle. In those days, especially in the clerical world, but also, among the enterprising humanists, the name of Alexander's tutor still rang out.

It was the benefactor for this work of Aristotlian selections, Lorenzo Maioli, who also had asked for (and would in time receive) a work of his own to be published by the Aldine Press in July 1497. In a letter sent that spring Maioli complains of the reticence of Aldo Manuzio to publish his Epiphyllides. This benefactor says he will be even more indebted with the completion of this request,
"... even if you will think them too lacking in stylistic elegance and too carelessly expressed for them to be worthy of being printed in your type, and if you do not deem it disgraceful to publish a philospophical work that lacks the adornment of eloquence -- just because I do not at all satisfy you in this regard.
This is not a good enough reason for you to be annoyed and refuse your services to one who holds you more dear than anyone else, since our common goal frees both of us from captious criticism. For works in which the primary goal is to search for the truth should be less faulted (as Aristotle says in his Rhetorica) if they are written in a less elegant way, since we should direct our attention to the purity of their truth rather than look for the charm of a brilliant style. Not only do I think that elegance and philosophy are different in nature, they differ from each other in function." Appendix, i, 2-3; p.233

Epiphyllides in Greek are simply a bunch of grapes, or, grapeleaf or, fruit gleanings. The benefactor here sees the potential benefit in this hoped-for printed work despite its lack of style. He sees himself, the writer, and investor, as a seeker of truth and, as such, should not be faulted for such lack of elegance in style. Manuzio finishes the book and puts a preface to it as well.

This letter is just a taste of what can be found in this new 2017 Harvard collection of, yes, prefaces (with also a few letters), that Manuzio penned and printed at his famous fifteenth century printing press in Venice. This new collection published this year by the I Tatti Renaissance Library is for both  Latin and Humanistic authors. Just such a humanistic author was Lorenzo Maioli who taught in Ferrara. Last year (2016) saw the publication of a similar coillection of Aldine prefaces, but for the Greek Classics.

Manuzio in his preface went at the work of praising his benefactor in good humor. After fulsome praising he goes on to explain why to prospective students and readers.
"Since Maiolo is always engaged in carefully writing something in the liberal arts and in medicine, not just for the exercising of his mind but also and especially for your instruction, he sent me this work to be printed. The contents certainly deserve to be known but they lacked the appropriate elegance of style [elegantia minime]. At first I refused him and asked him to give the work some polish, since he could do this as well as anyone (for he is certainly most learned in Greek and Latin) and then to send it to me. But he pressed me in an amicable way, both in person and by letter, that it should be printed even just as it is, as he was under the compulsion of publishing it in order to comply with the demands of his pupils and friends. And so I finally undertook to do what he asked and I did so all the more eagerly because I had no doubts of its considerable benefit to you students."  Editions To Humanistic Authors, ii,2
More about Manuzio will be added as time allows.
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 Manuzio, Aldo: Humanism and the Latin Classics , John N. Grant ed., trans., for The I Tatti Renaissance Library (ITRI); by The President and Fellows of Harvard College, USA 2017

Thursday, July 20, 2017

Francisco de Bobadilla Selected For Mission To New World: May, 1499

An exception rather than the general rule of promoting new men as corregidores and alcalde within Greater Spain, Francisco de Bobadilla, was one of those that were promoted from within the Spanish court of Ferdinand and Isabella. Both his father and grandfather had served at the Castilian court, and as a young man of twenty-five or thirty had been named a commander in the Military Order of Calatrava. He had proved his mettle in battle against local Moors by 1483 and then made alcalde in Jaèn west of Cordoba. When the new complex called Santa Fe outside Granada was built in order to take that city in 1492, Bobadilla was made mayor of this manufactured city, at the spearpoint of the siege against Alhambra, this last holdout of the Nasrid dynasty. His sister Beatriz was said to be Queen Isabella's best friend.

In 1499, Francisco was called again, this time to squelch a rebellion, find the perpetrators, and 'proceed against them'. This time his duties would send him to the New World. These royal plans and directives were drawn up by May of the same year. The rebellion of Francisco Roldàn in Hispaniola first began with a rebellion of locals, and the subsequent march ordered against them which was led by this same Roldàn in order to counter their attacks. As the chief magistrate of La Isabela (the town which ordered into existence by Cristobal Colon - aka Christopher Columbus - on his second voyage), the defense of that post was part of Roldàns responsibilities. But, since Colon had left, he had placed his brother Bartolomeo Colon in charge.

The island of modern Hispaniola is comprised of both Haiti and the Dominican Republic, but in 1497 there was a great dispensation of lands on La Española by Bartolomeo, to ease his own load of responsibilities and reward loyal members of his fellow conquistadores. Bartolomeo himself began building what became Santo Domingo, a chief administrative center meant to replace La Isabela. [p. 200]. The real cause of personal animosity between the two men is still mysterious but, Roldàn found himself at odds with Bartolomeo again and again, over leadership, and even how the brother's Columbus were using the locals for personal profit.

There was a stand-off in Concepcion. Here, a break in how these two, Bartolomeo Colon and Francisco Roldàn set out in different directions, also began an age old difference in how things were done. Roldàn refused to compromise with Colon, wanted just to return to Spain, but would not resign his 'state magistrate'. He ended up going back to Jaragua where he worked at making repartimiento arrangements with 'settlers' and the locals without express permission to do so, and no grant or charter approving this activity from the Crown in Spain. [p. 201] Colon went back to Santo Domingo and began to build seven forts along the west end of the island.
"Roldàn, in his part of the island, also took an important step in establishing a division of land, giving... [locals] and property to followers. But the decision to do this was taken without viceregal, much less royal, consent. Roldàn as chief magistrate acted as the controller of his division,  while he allowed it to be understood that the holdings which he allocated would be hereditary." [p.202]

Francisco de Bobadilla when news of some of these events reached Spain was to be sent to set things right, as the King and Queen saw fit. The instructions explicitly called Columbus Admiral, not governor or Viceroy, and made clear they thought the rebellion was started by Roldàn, and not Columbus' brother.

But, through 1499, there were delays setting back Bobadilla's departure. Jimenez de Cisneros, the Archbishop of Toledo, wanted to make sure that clerical order would successfully be set up in the New World. [p. 210] This would include conversion of the locals and building of churches, and these select few were to work alongside Bobadilla as well. One of these clerics sent was the Franciscan secretary of Cisneros, Fray Francisco Ruiz, a former chorister at Toledo and professor in Alcalá. He would be directed by the Queen to find out what was really going on in the Indies of Columbus. [p.211]

One decision that was made concerned the return of both Caribs and Tainos that had been brought as slaves from the Caribbean to Spain on Columbus' previous trips. It was the Queen's conviction that slaves were not a commodity that the Crown could morally encourage. There were many of the conquistadores who could not see this notion as anything but a loss of return for their efforts. But of these several hundred initial souls captured and brought to Europe, only nineteen were found by the Crown's efforts that wanted to return. The same Fray Ruiz was tasked with taking these up and protecting them until the trip and for the voyage yet to come. [p.212]

The King through the summer was also in the south of Spain working to help with converting Muslims and Jews there. [p.211] The lives of these men, Bobadilla, Cisneros and even fray Ruiz, give some example of how the New Spain would spread its dominion.
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quotes and pagination from: Thomas, Hugh: Rivers of Gold: The Rise of the Spanish Empire ; Penguin/ Random House, UK; 2003

Thursday, July 6, 2017

whitecap news: summer 2017

It's been awhile since I collected news items here. President Trump has gone to Europe in his second trip there since entering office here. Meanwhile, back in the States, there is a mood.
We are told he will attend the annual G20 summit held this year in Hamburg, Germany. People wonder how this, his second tour there in under six months, will fair compared to the last time he made some rounds.  While in the US, the Washington Post reports Trump still spends a fifth of his time at his golf courses. And only once out west, and that to Cedar Rapids, Iowa.
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But there are very troubling issues at large. North Korea has demonstrated its ability to launch another ICBM missile, claiming it has a range over 6000 km putting it in range of Alaska and Canada. The Ex CEO of Exxon and the new Secretary of State  of the Trump Administration released a strongly worded statement.

The many refugees crossing the Mediterranean this summer have not abated.

The free press is under attack and not just in Turkey, the US, or Russia.
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All of a sudden this week, the Kansas Secretary of State, on behalf of the Trump Administration, has asked all fifty US States for public registration records of voting rolls. Kris Kobach is a known figure in US politics because of the money behind him to restrict voter participation. He has crafted several bills nationally in several states enabling him to direct policy from a non-legislative seat. The stated purpose is to get rid of voter fraud when he knows but simply denies there isn't much of that to be found. One merely has to weigh the number of his prosecutions for voter fraud against the number of actual American voters that were disenfranchised through his crusade in order to see how craven his bosses' motives truly are. And that was true before Kobach found his perch with the Trump's. So several states almost immediately told him, 'No way, Jose.'
Also, in the US, Trump wants Congress to repeal what is known as former President Obama's signature achievement. But the efforts of both the House and Senate in DC have done little but raise a nationwide clamor. So much so that the vote on the second attempt in the Senate had to be postponed until after the Independence Day holiday. Still, few Congressmembers have agreed to meet with constituents this holiday. There is little consensus or understanding of what these repeal bills may mean to the public at large if they are passed. One Senator has decided to have some small appearances for the public, in small towns far away from the cities. So it must be advertised for people to go for free.

The Independent Counsel looking into the 2016 US elections, the Trump campaign and his advisers, finances, communications is still ongoing. More evidence is leaked and drummed into an unrecognizable pulp by three to five days. The Trump Administration denies it knew much and doesn't want to hear about who cares. OK? There is so much more that has happened, so many imposed contradictions and reflective smoke and fire stories these days, I take some comfort in older stories.