Wednesday, June 28, 2017

pageturner chronicles: i, 1497

On that rainy day in late April when the attempt by Medicean partisans to 'take back' Florence was secretly planned, the city leaders had been talked into summoning a number of partisans from within the city. These men once they arrived (and before the attack outside the walls had begun), were then held indoors under a strict guard. Meanwhile in the rain, the forces outside the walls tried to raise an alarm that was simply not answered. The city would not allow the bells to ring.

If the plan for Piero de Medici was to swarm the gate outside the city, while his cohorts and allies inside could gather the assumed swells of Medicean supporters answering that bell in order to topple the forces ranged against them within the city, then, those supporters in the city did not materialize in enough numbers. This deceptive summoning, followed by those persons being essentially seized as hostages, until the crowd's moment had passed, brought many things to light. There were also disastrous consequences for many.

Francesco Valori was later blamed for advising the fathers to take this measure. Several families and their offspring were implicated. Individuals in several churches were called out as secret Medicean sympathizers. Certain other individuals with a past, already exiled and officially called 'rebel' and 'outlaw' came back around. One in particular Lamberto dell' Antella had gone to Rome and had gained friends there, but had spent this spring coursing back and forth across Italy and eventually, had fallen out with Piero. Deemed too much a bother, Piero asked Siena to take charge of this rebel's rebel. They did, but then confined there, Lamberto's anger turned against Piero and he began sending messages to Florence asking for safe conduct there where he might tell them all he knew. He was coaxed out of hiding and by early August 1497, was captured and interrogated at Florence. He named names.

This investigation and its immediate effects would strike at the center of Florentine politics, destroying the lives of many and killing a number of its prominent politicians.

pp. 178-83; Martines, Lauro:  Fire In The City: Savonarola and the struggle for the soul of Renaissance Florence ; Oxford University Press, New York, 2006 
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The plague had hit Italy again that June. In Florence it was coupled with a mysterious fever that killed many as well. People were still starving there. Parenti says as many as thirty-six victims a day were counted at the height of the sickness, Landucci not quite as many. Weinstein tells us,
"Those who could do so fled the city. Fearing contagion, the Great Council suspended its meetings and public business slowed. Imports and distributions of food suffered, and prices, already steep, soared. So many people were falling in their tracks from disease and starvation, wrote Landucci, that every hour the streets had to be cleared, while the hospitals overflowed with the sick and dying." [p. 236]
In early July fra Tommaso Busini, a Dominican colleague of Savonarola at San Marco fell to the plague. Reports say Savonarola then asked for 'divine protection' through prayer and led a procession through the cloister 'carrying white candles and red crosses' singing 'Ecce Quam Bonus'.  But his frequent letters show none of these difficulties in this, his last summer. Indeed he sharply criticized brothers who wished to flee to the country and avoid the 'city air'. He wrote to family members to reassure them that relatives were still safe in the cloister. Despite this he had to admit some fifty to a hundred people, or worse, were dying per day due to the alternate fever that year.
"But the pestilence grew more severe and it was decided to send the younger friars into the more slaubrious air of the countryside. ... Savonarola's adversaries put it about that this unusual measure of sending clerics out to live among the laity proved that there was disunity in the cloister, noting with perverse satisfaction, that having terrified the city by threats of plague, the friars were the first to suffer it." [p. 237]
But Savonarola remained unperturbed. He read a Hebrew bible and studied with close colleagues the Jewish prophets, he tended the sick, he wrote extensively. The letter to unnamed friends quotes Dominican Archbishop Antoninus Pierozzi on its first page. Pierozzi was made a saint as soon as 1523.

Quotes, references and pagination from, Donald Weinstein: Savonarola: the rise and fall of a renaissance prophet , Yale University Press, New Haven, 2011
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Marin Sanudo had already mentioned by 5th of June, 1497, that the plague had struck in Venice and that they had developed a municipal plan to combat it.


Thursday, June 22, 2017

new books: ... each end begun a new becoming sprung

Since the fall of last year I had begun receiving and then reading a number of new books. Receding. I also have to acknowledge the general paucity and overall brevity of most of the posts here over the last year. Too little too late. The two concerns are related. So let me explain. For this I have to go back a bit.

In April of last year I had read there was a new biography of the Augsburg banker and money titan Jacob Fugger. Whether or not he was The Richest Man Who Ever Lived , I got this book by Greg Steinmetz on a whim and started into what reveals itself as a very easy introduction. A plain-spoken, if somewhat flatly episodic view from peak to peak along many of the ridges atop that European Renaissance world of commerce and finance. At twenty-seven years of age, Fugger gave a loan to the Archduke of Augsburg. By the age of thirty, in order to resolve a dispute with Venice, Fugger had exchanged a loan of 100,000 florins to the same Arch-duke for the rights of the mine at Schwaz until the principle of that loan could be paid off and also crucially, for control of the Augsburg state treasury. He also made investments in a particular Portuguese trip around the southern tip of Africa, along the way negotiating deals with princes, emperors and popes, reaping profits again and again. Sitting on top of the world indeed.

Still he preferred to work alone. As the decade of the 1490's proceeded, Fugger developed a rare partnership with one Johannes Thurzo. This man Thurzo, related to Ladislaus (through the Jagiello's of Poland) now the King of Hungary, was extended royal grants along the Carpathian mtns. allowing Fugger to put up the money to purchase lands there rich in copper. The consequent production system set in motion by Thurzo, a more sophisticated extraction, smelting and transport process, made Fugger one of the richest men in the world. By 1498 in the tail end of the decade, he had gained so much of the market that he flooded Venice with this metal and broke up and dismantled a number of competitors there. I'd like to see if this helped precipitate the fall of the Garzoni bank early the next year.

The copper shipments from Hungary extended into the Baltic and North Seas. In November 1510, a Dutch ship set off from Danzig full of Fugger's copper. It was boarded and captured by agents of the Hanseatic League. The Hansa one of the most powerful of forces in Europe, were a storied association of men in cities and on boats that had held the monoploy of trade in the northern seas for centuries. This mercantile endeavor set cities and kingdoms against each other to reap profit as well as organize the largest fairs and trading festivals from Novgorod to Bruges. They had built their maritime empire on herring and then cod, meanwhile branching out into timber and tin, furs and pepper, copper and silver.

It was then I wanted to learn about this well established, oft-times brutal, mercantile force and found a reprint of a quick read entitled The Hansa , first published in 1929. Full of seafaring tales and bitter rivalries, this bare, apologetic, almost monograph is doubled in length by mostly translated excerpts from texts from the various periods. Selections from Richard Hakluyt and John de Mandeville are set out as well as portions of the medieval maritime laws of Visby, items from the treaty of Stralsund, and lists of attacks by part-time pirates, once supported as Hansa agitators. Steinmetz in his book on Jacob Fugger has his exploits outshine and overwhelm the dominant Hansa. The older monograph by E. Gee Nash marks these difficulties for the Hansa as just one among many of the ups and downs in a long series of endeavors. Its selection of details in the translated sections can still reveal useful context. There have been several times I've wanted to post a number of these items here. It's too bad this book reads like it was produced as a popularizing pamphlet rather than real history. It suffers from that special blend of romantic sea urges full of daring-do set in larger type and spacing for encouraging high school boys at prep schools in the American 1920's, on behalf of their grandfathers.

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As the north was still building their various extractive and monopolizing economies and working its way in and out of endless conflict, the south was still fighting over land and titles and the opportunity to be heard. And for some, to let old voices be heard, to push for reform, and to reset or reinterpret old voices and old manuscripts in new ways. One of these sorts of explorers was Poggio Bracciolini, mentioned before. Famously, this papal notary and source of mostly reliable quips had also been one of the great book discoverers of the fifteenth century. Just a few years ago, Stephen Greenblatt of Harvard fame, an editor for the standardizing Norton English Literature and Norton Shakespeare tomes, released an overview uncovering the discovery of T. Lucretius' De Rerum Natura. Greenblatt calls it The Swerve (2011) and while ostensibly the subject and subtitle is 'How The World Became Modern', it spends only a few chapters on the content of Lucretius' once famous but also now obscure again, 1st c. BCE Latin poem describing his remarkable epicureanism.

Instead, most of Greenblatt's book explores the various methodological and environmental contexts by which this particular book of Lucretius was passed on, then rediscovered, and also, almost as an accidental by-product of the time, became its own issue when it was rediscovered and disseminated.

Like seeds spread by Love Herself, the elements would grow wings and speed, so filled with desire that they could attract and repel, at ease or all in a rush, each in its own nature, each toward its own end, each end begun a new becoming sprung. 

It was after I had remembered and ordered the modern day (20th c.) version of Lucretius in latin (with the intro and the commentary by Leonard and Smith), and had begun reading it ever so slowly, that a friend lent to me on impulse the relevant book of Greenblatt. Already I've sped through two-thirds of that so, more of Bracciolini's life and contexts will wind up here.

Already, three years ago I had promised to look more into the life of ser Bracciolini, and like so many other times, the more I looked, the more I found. For two of his contemporaries, one a famous critic, and the other, one of the most famous of the early Italian humanists, Bracciolini even makes mention of or, took time to publicly attack. Both have newly published works in blingual texts for english, in the 21st century by Harvard in the I Tatti Renaissance Library.

Correspondence (2013) of Lorenzo Valla includes letters both to and from this author. So it is this also provides the voices of a great many doers and thinkers, and a few other walks of life, over the decades across cultural Italy during the middle of the fifteenth century. On Exile (2013) has Francesco Filelfo composing a dialogue (c. 1445) with several members of exiled Florentine society taking part. The fact that this dialogue is a composed fiction that seems to purposefully not follow the motives or events discussed, adds even more interest. Not objective, not entirely factual, but instead intended as 'edifying'.

Additionally, the Dumbarton Oaks Medieval Library has seen fit to publish A New Herodotus (2014) in a bilingual text for english along with a companion volume to provide much needed context for what should become an instant classic. Of course it won't, but it should, as it depicts the advance of the Ottoman Turk into Europe in the fifteenth century from a hitherto unacknowledged but excellent source.

There is a new biography of Martin Luther (2017) by Lyndal Roper I've just begun that looks absorbing.

There are several letters appealing for unbiased ears, and a crafty dialogue in Apologetic Writings (2015) by Girolamo Savonarola, also published thru the I Tatti Renaissance Library.
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Several works of fiction have made it to the top of a pile that has fallen over so many times that I couldn't avoid it anymore. So this year I told myself I'd read as many as I could. With these following books, some 1400 pages of fiction have crossed my eyes, so slow, with only half of the Blas de Robles book still left to see. Books that travel, think, explore.

The First I saw and began last year was an uncorrected proof of Charlie Smith's Ginny Gall (2016). It arrived in a donation bag at the local homeless shelter (and where it was returned to and now sits on the shelf awaiting another reader). Abundant in flora, bursting with emotion, painful and still sublime, both slick and sandy, this internal, swirling travelogue takes us with a young African-American male from Chattanooga, TN to the rails and America, through the depression years, and to prison for a crime he did not commit, and back. Heartbreaking, vicious, plaintive, mature, immediate, the visions this book conjures swell all senses and mocks the jailer, the owner, the censor, the judge. Pine trees that weep with compassion, Magnolia that bloom, dripping with a wary, still heavy sense of cautionary alarm, begging for a breeze to send such compressed desires aloft.

Translated from the French in 2011, Where Tigers Are At Home was originally published in a French edition 2006 by Jean-Marie Blas de Robles. It and its author won the Prix Medicis prize for literature in 2008. This prize is awarded to authors 'whose fame does not yet reach their talent'. This 800 plus page fiction intertwines several very different strands of action in modern day northern Brazil and intercuts them with what acts like eye-witness accounts of the travels and exploits of the famous seventeenth century Jesuit inventor and polymath Athanasius Kircher. There is the group of geologists heading inland, upriver to capture and document what is hoped to be a missing link between Africa and South America. There is the bitter wife of the arrogant governor who stuffs her emotions with alchohol, always seeking an ally or a ladder to climb out of her brutal husband's tightening circles. There is the despairing, cycnical french correspondent whose wife has left and whose daughter and her friends are running from debt and responsibility at a full gallop into hedonism and uncivil pleasure. A wandering woman shares the correspondent's interest in Kircher and in his research. He likes the bounce in her skirt and her quick ripostes, but she knows more than she lets on. There are the locals in a small village where a jet plane has crashed in the middle of the night. The correspondent's wife did go on that geology float. That expedition at first looks like a modernized African Queen tale, but it gets ambushed by bandits with machine guns, and those left still alive are cut off from any contact with the outside world. The governor's son is also on that float trip.

Thomas Pynchon's latest novel The Bleeding Edge (2013) is set in the New York City year of 2001. At the height of the dot-com financial bubble and amidst real estate and impenetrable virtual reality shifts, Maxine Tarnow, a loan-fraud investigator with courage to spare, tries to find out the eternal question, what just happened? Complex, ever-shifting, the backdrop and cast of characters speed by like credit card swipes at a peep show stealing a looksee in on the future. Or, set in 2001 New York, it still seems before it's time - like ghosts coming up to us and whispering the truth softly, gently ... and then, handed a corndog on a stick and slipping naturally onto a just-arrived child's carousel horse, with no visible wheels or locomotive possibilities, zips off down the street blaring some other generation's showtune. Echoes of which bounce back off of windowpanes, taco trucks and the gleam of receding taxi rearwindows.

In the last month I've also just read the last hundred pages of James Joyce's Ulysses. Again. These bits of review and crit should continue as I read more of modern fiction over time.

Tuesday, June 20, 2017

Savonarola: Epistula Ad Papam Alexandrum VI, 20May1497

A week after word about the excommunication of Savonarola the Dominican friar had arrived, and just under a month before it was publicly read out in Florence, the friar quickly penned a letter to the pope who had sent the breve. He had previously sent out a detailed work answering statements of purpose for the reorganization of the Lombard Congregations, set as an apology for the Congregation of Brothers of San Marco in Florence. He would also pen a letter 'Against the Sentence of Excommunication'  to numerous unnamed individuals which encouraged the continued work of reform and which countered the papal accusations. This was based on ideas inherit in and while extensively quoting the noted fifteenth century reformer Jean Gerson. This would be sent in the month of June. Savonarola was also putting the final touches on his book The Triumph of the Cross which he said would explain 'without any doubt' what they were doing at San Marco and why.

The quick letter to Pope Alexander VI, dated May 20, 1497 immediately starts with a number of defensive questions. Why are you angry? What have I done? This then leads to accusing Savonarola's antagonists, those who gave false information to the pope. Quoting Psalms 21:17, he claims, "Many dogs have surrounded me, a company of malicious men besets me."

The accusations against him he says have been refuted by his own very words which have also been printed accurately and widely disseminated 'by booksellers and printers'. If not by his word, then certainly, these written pieces should be enough to exonerate him.
"Let them be obtained, let them be read, let them be examined whether there is anything whatsoever that offends my lord's Holiness, as they have so often claimed, falsely. Can it be that I said one thing publicly and wrote another? I want to disprove the charges with the most public response possible. What is the sense in it? What is the purpose? What kind of unhinged mind would come up with such an allegation?" [iv, 1]
 Next, Savonarola states his own belief that there is one Florentine friar in particular who may have turned the pope against him. Fra Mariano da Genazzano (1412-98) was an Augustinian preacher that often spoke out vehemently against Savonarola during his ascendancy. During an Ascenscion Day sermon in 1491, Genazzano had devolved into an ad hominem attack on Savonarola and was soon forced to leave the city. It was he that went to Rome and in time began speaking to the new Pope about the trouble this Dominican friar from Ferrara was stirring.

Turning again his point of attack, Savonarola asks in the letter,
 "... what kind of conscience does that highflying preacher there with you accuse blameless me of the crime of which he himself is the guiltiest of all?"
There are witnesses, of course, that Savonarola knows who could testify that this informer Genazzano was raging at other times against His Holiness. And Savonarola had refuted 'his insolence' then. For,
"... it is not right to assail the smallest person, how much less a prince and pastor of sheep! Who is so demented as not to know that? God willing, I am not yet so stupid as to forget myself; and for no purpose, in no dealings, on no occasion would I knowingly dare to challenge or scorn the Vicar of Christ on earth, who especially ought to be obeyed." [iv, 2]
In conclusion, he claims he has preached or done nothing against the faith or the Catholic Church - 'heaven forbid!'. So he pleads, 'don't wish for the wicked and envious'. First he should 'adhere to the faith'. But further, he warns, if 'human assistance fails', he (Savonarola) will then tell the world of their 'impious iniquity', until God willing they repent. This friar does not seem to ask for forgiveness but then, in the very next sentence, he claims, 'I commend myself most humbly to Your Beatitude.' And, 'humilis filiolus et servus frater', humble son and little friar.

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Savornarola, Girolamo: Apologetic Writings; ed. and trans. in english , by M Michele Mulchahey, for The I Tatti Renaissance Library (ITRI); by The President and Fellows of Harvard College, USA 2015

Thursday, June 15, 2017

A Death In The Borgia Family: June 14, 1497

In Rome, a secret consistory was held where the pope made his son Juan of Aragon into the Duke of Gandia and gave him investiture of a new principality. The Duchy of Benevento, Terracina and Pontecorvo was created and which included the 'lands all about' in the region to the north and east of Naples. This present which only gained insistent resistance from Cardinal Piccolomini, was soon and rather easily granted by the twenty-six cardinals that Johann Burchard said were present for the vote that day on June 7, 1497. Two days later, in another secret meeting, the pope's other son, already a Cardinal, Cesare Borgia was officially made legate to the pope and given the task of placing a crown on Don Federigo, the Prince of Altamura, as the new King of Naples.

Through the day of June 15, Rodrigo grew increasingly worried and then lost all hope when Juan had not returned from one last night out in Rome before leaving to take up his new lands. He had gone and eaten dinner with his brother and his mother Donna Vanozza the night before on the 14th, according to Burchard. He also says a masked man had accompanied them there and then left with the Duke when the brothers parted ways after the dinner, with an understanding they would travel south together next day. This did not transpire.

When Juan did not show up in the morning of the fifteenth word was sent out to go collect him and bring him back to the Vatican. Reports kept coming back that the young duke could not be found. Eventually, 'after the hour of Vespers, or a little before', his body was found fully clothed in the Tiber River with his purse still attached to him and with 30 ducats still in it. He had nine stab wounds all over his body. He was placed in a boat which was sent to Castel San'Angelo. There, Burchard's colleague Don Bernardino Gutteri, quickly stripped, washed and clothed the body in military costume. Then it was taken about six o'clock, 'by members of his own household' to the Church of Santa Maria del Popolo. Burchard says about one hundred and twenty torch bearers led the procession along with palace ecclesiastics, chamberlains, shield bearers, 'marching slowly and in great disorder'.

Pope Alexander VI, the young Duke's father shut himself into his inner rooms for days and wailed and wept. The mystery over who had done this would deepen and gain many different motives, conspirators, and troubling theories. At first the pope wanted a thorough investigation but his ardor for evidence cooled as time went on. For many this pointed the finger at the Duke's brother Cesare Borgia, but the truth has never been definitively discovered.

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pp. 143-47, Johann Burchard: At The Court of the Borgia translated for english, with introduction by Geoffrey Parker, The Folio Society, Ltd, 1963




Wednesday, May 31, 2017

Papal Breve Sent Marking Savonarola As Excommunicated: later May 1497

There was a delay in the spring of 1497 between the issuance of the papal breve marking friar Girolamo Savonarola of the Dominican Congregation at San Marco in Florence as an excommunicant, and its public reception there. The brief was signed by the Borgia Pope on May 12/13 that year but was read out from the pulpits of the five most important churches in Florence only as late as June 18. There were several reasons for such a delay about such an important declaration. While his enemies in other congregations would begin circulating the story, the central figures of Florentine government would find other ways to delay the reading in order to dampen the already out of bounds strains and tensions revolving around 'the little friar'.

The pope had chosen Giovanvittorio da Camerino to deliver this breve to the major churches in Florence. This was the same man who earlier that year, in March, after thunderously preaching against Savonarola there, the city chose to imprison him and then officially throw him out of the city as an exile. Now, while anxious to get back and deliver this supreme opinion from his superior Holiness in Rome, when Giovanvittorio arrived as near as Siena, he stopped. There he decided to draft letters to the Eight and the Signory in Florence requesting safe conduct. For people exiled from the City this was a regular practice. He didn't want to be imprisoned in Florence again for delivering even this message (this time of excommunication), but was duty bound to fulfill his charge from the Most Holy See. He could explain to the Signoria he had a duty to fulfill and as such should be given this opportunity to deliver his message without any harm coming to him. Giovanvittorio sat and waited for a month in Siena instead.  [p. 168] It is Weinstein that claims Camerino waited in Siena for a month before even these letters asking for safe conduct were sent.

The City leaders heard the news anyway as did many of the congregations there in Florence. The leaders debated what to do and Savonarola's enemies fanned the flames of incitement. Savonarola, after the Ascension Day upset wrote, crafting letters for his brethren, to the pope and for his defense. But the Signoria gave no promise of safe-conduct for Giovanvittorio da Camerino.

from Martines, Lauro: Fire In The City: Savonarola and the struggle for the soul of Renaissance Florence ; Oxford University Press, New York, 2006 


Friday, May 12, 2017

May Dates 1497: Florence, A City In Turmoil

Though heavy rains reportedly had kept the forces and allies of Piero de Medici from breaching the walls of Florence on April 28, this was just one event of many that serially jolted the city and its people from one extreme to another that spring. The following week Friar Savonarola had been allowed to give the Ascension Day sermon on May 4, but that had turned into a circus of another set of events, sending partisans, clerics and the public reeling. News from Rome trickled in after a couple more weeks of the papal breve marking (May 13) Savonarola as an excommunicate, but the messenger was not even allowed to enter the city, so that the public declaration could be postponed. Meanwhile a new vote on May 12 granted new opportunities for more people to seek public office in Florence, creating a strange but temporary coalition that better shows the very fluid nature of the City's politics.

It was a pivotal moment in the central channels of these tumultuous times in Florence. The city was abandoned to its own problems at last without allies and with many adversaries all round. Under attack on many fronts as well, Savonarola was very busy. In addition to the Lenten sermons that year culminating in the famous and undelivered sermon of Ascension Day which turned into an upset, the friar had been putting the finishing touches on his Triumph of the Cross. He had also revised and sent out an Apology for the Brothers of the Congregation of San Marco earlier in the year. The day following the disastrous upheaval in the sacristy itself on Ascension Day, the Signoria banned all preaching until further notice. Without this outlet, by May 8, Savonarola penned another, "A Letter to All the Elect of God and Faithful Christians". When he had recieved a copy for the pope's breve of excommunication, he wrote a reply dated May20. Meanwhile matters in the city had reached a fever pitch.


Saturday, April 29, 2017

april news 2017

Today I'll simply post today's tweets. Or most of them. And only a couple more.

But let's start by marking the birth day of another great American.

Even though we lost another great in April.
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This is happening to an even greater degree and still hardly anybody mentions it.
Massive protests in Venezuela intensify throughout this month.
There is a tumult in Macedonia.
There is a nationwide strike as well in Brazil paralyzing traffic and commerce.
A famous American reminds us to also remember how not to do things.
French candidate Marine Le Pen takes another turn to the far right, and looks to alienate more voters.
Massive marches  were widely reported all over the world on behalf of the international climate. Here, a CNN timelapse shows the many who showed up to march today in the sweltering humid heat in DC.

No less an authority than Scientific American can claim things are changing.
Also, this sexy thing came out this month.

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Much of the news in the US continues to swirl around what the Trump White House has done or is doing. Simple things like where he is, and, how often he takes off to his resort in Florida on the weekends. Just two weeks ago reports of the 'mother of all bombs', a US GBU-43, was dropped in Eastern Afghanistan in order to combat Daesh or the IS. People at the time thought it made him seem decisive, showing executive authority. A BBC report talks to local Afghani sceptics.
An apt portrait of today's Congressional dysfunction.

There is still an FBI Investigation of international scope concerning the campaign of President Trump. It's not a good look for a sitting president. Not at all.

Wednesday, April 26, 2017

Bembo Tells of War Against Trivulzio For Milan: early 1497

If there was any question, it was military exploits that outnumbered by far any others as chronicled by Pietro Bembo for the winter of 1497 . Indeed, any of those concerning domestic issues, natural disasters, religious festivals or, rhetorical contests remain absent. Skirmishes in Lombardy are detailed instead, with several castles and towns taken and recovered, along with the progress, and then, withdrawal of Giangiacomo Trivulzio, who, during the war had come under the protection of and then began acting for the interests of Charles of France. A sea battle including cannons follows with an exciting tale of boarding at sea by flying grappling hooks amidst flaming crossbows hurling pitch across open water. And all this outside Livorno to deliver winter rations for starving Pisans. There was also the sad story of the inabilities of the young Lord of Faenza, Astorte Manfredi [iii,61]. Other sad stories of his family are found here and here.

Without getting mired in details, Giangiacomo Trivulzio born of a famed family in Milan, broke ranks with Ludovico Sforza, the acting Duke there since the war and had gone over to help the French. When news over winter had come in to Venice that Trivulzio was marshalling troops again across the Alps, Bembo says, the League members got together and asked for help in mounting a counterforce. This anecdote involving so many actors and places and missives and diplomats is also helpful in showing who were the allies and who these were allied against in this point of the war, just before the ceasefire struck with the French by February 25, 1497. The papal forces hired from Rome aren't mentioned by Bembo in this season.

It is Bembo's claim that King Charles promised Giuliano della Rovere control of both Genoa and Savona, and for Trivulzio both Alessandria and Tortona, if they could just return over the Alps and take them. The legates of the allies swiftly called up 3000 stradiots in response. In addition, a Genoese dissident Gianluigi Fieschi was called on and paid to not cause trouble there. Immediately, 300 heavy cavalry and 300 light horsemen were sent to Ludovico in Milan to aid him. These were sent with Vincenzo Valier, as chosen by the Senate to oversee matters and act as proveditor and paymarshall.

Bembo also tells us that Trivulzio's army included 'those he led from France, calling those from Saluzzo and Helvetica'.  From nearby Asti, Cardinal Giuliano led 6000 to Savona to be ready [iii,62].

Venice ordered ships to bring grain for Pisa, sent others toward Savona, and called troops up from Pisa. These were sent to support the rest of the league allies outside Savona, and engaged with Cardinal Giuliano's forces there and drove them back [iii,63]. Another Orsini was called up by the Senate as well as Bernardino Fortebraccio da Montane in order to lead the fight and be set to join Francesco Gonzaga. Two more were selected as well to act as proveditors, Niccolo Foscarini and Andrea Zancani. When these men arrived in Milan, Ludovico Sforza had a proclamation announced publicly declaring whatever these men ordered should be obeyed by the people. This is the history after all that Venice would like to remember.

Trivulzio tried to take Castellazzo with bombardments but was repulsed by Venetian light cavalry and fell back. Withdrawing further he abandoned 'a number of Ludovico's fortresses' previously taken, but then took Bergamasco and massacred everyone in it. On the other hand, three miles from Novara, the town of Montalto Pavese was taken by Venetian and Milanese forces and plundered and burned [iii,64].

The grain convoy headed to the mouth of the Arno was met by Florentine ships and a great sea battle ensued. The Venetian captain,
"... turned toward the Florentine ships, and driving on his oarsmen with great spirit he rammed the prow of his ship into the side of the enemy warship. Both vessels shuddered with the impact as they crashed against one another, while the enemey cast a grappling hook onto the captain's ship and held it fast. Hand-to-hand fighting ensued, extremely fierce on both sides and with weapons of every sort, but the enemy soldiers could launch their missiles at the Venetians from higher up and so found them easy to injure. Then they began to throw balls of burning pitch onto the galley, something which was a great setback for the captain when a large number of thwarts and the mainsail itself caught fire." [iii, 66]
This battle raged for four hours. But the grain supply got through to Pisa. [iii,67]

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from Pietro Bembo: History of Venice; edited and translated by Robert W Ulery, Jr.; in english and latin, for The I Tatti Renaissance Library; by The President and Fellows of Harvard College, USA 2007

Friday, March 31, 2017

what's it for? thus far

Five years ago I started setting down things that I'd read and found telling or, exemplary or, demonstrative or, artful. Since then, after some five-hundred posts, some long, some technical, some breezy, a very few very short ones, several projects or series, stretching over time and multiple posts, intersecting with others, several lists can be made. 

Over the last five years nearly sixty spots surfaced in the month of March. One fourth of those looked at current news. A dozen topics come from the diarist Marin Sanudo or revolve around his curious Venetian outlook. Another twelve posts review the early Spanish in Mexico from primary sources, also in translation. Six more stories that can be found from or about different women spring into view, as well as a general introduction to the concept. Seems a shame the very topic needs to be re-introduced. Another half dozen look at some of Columbus' troubles on his first and second voyages to the Caribbean. Only a couple are shorter collections or excerpts of other, different, longer strands, or, placemarkers for some organizational habit. 
There are stories of marches and wars, of Feasts, fires, captures, shipwrecks, schoolgirls, beer brewers, pilgrims. Famous people, failures, baldface lies. And that's just March. Go find it here, or here, here, and here.
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For more examples of what I've done here, there are also drafts of posts that look like the following clump, spilling hyperlink goo for its own connective webbiness. And in this example, all links to quotes are cited from Sanudo's Diaries, which were translated and then published by Johns Hopkins at long last in the current century not ten years ago. It was this book in 2011 that was such an encouragement in that I might learn so much more about the period.

wed to the sea: reference info for fleet to Syria and eastern grain shipments, April 12, 18, 1499

recruiting captain Grimani during Ottoman war April 21, 1499

story of Captain Calbo April, 1505

Ambassador Stella returns from France October 21, 1498

death of a corsair: 1500; birth of a map

Gritti In Constantinople July, 1499
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Four years ago in March, also in a draft, I remarked on what I was doing: What's it for?

I have turned more attention to my blog. It may not be to your liking, that is, it may not be compelling enough for you/your interests, or even, a wider contemporary audience. I'm quite ok with that. I also have no delusion that I am really doing anything new with it, as in, furthering these studies, like graduate/phd theses, etc. 
Instead, I am merely linking various at-hand rennaisance history stories to the calendar, but providing context for them along the way, and this from primary sources as well, as understood by today's accepted western scholarship. I don't go after the academic controversies at all, really, just report what seems the present consensus, mostly. The only subtext that runs throughout is the curious paralells between the responses people had in those times and in ours. I know that's controversial enough. And while it is not systematic, chronological, let alone, exhaustive by any stretch, it satisfies a need for me to have 'something' to show for my compulsion to know more about pasttimes and human nature, etc. I have always done this sort of thing, with different times, places. This time I write down my investigative journey online and approach it more like an evolving piece of art. A history mosaic. I also put news blogs 3-4 times a month there, providing more context of the observer, almost in situ. 
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Last year in a summary some other decent bits surfaced.

As a present-day news junkie, perhaps, the daily happenings of the premier maritime, mercantile city, at the center of geopolitics, with new technologies, publishings and word of everything else coming through town, in rapid-fire serial fashion, struck me as immensely rich in particular. The simplistic idea of what was happening in Venice on this day, begs the additional questions of which year and regarding what. These scratchings soon sprout and blossom before the eyes in arboreal splendour. For me this source was an easy way into that world, one which was already so well-documented and an easy one to get a sense of their relation to the ebbs and flow of time. ...

The sources are numerous, I wanted the recent ones and with so many sources I get lots of input as to what was happening all over Europe, how the war and everything else effected everything else, if not day to day at least week to week. But I can't keep up on everything, so I try to hit the high points of that topic, while simultaneously trying to get the larger and smaller perspectives from several places, authors or lenses. I see it as a bunch of meshing gears, the city-states, powers, motives, people, perspectives all engaging or disengaging, falling apart and coming together.

I also want to show in the blog as many aspects of the whole research project as possible. If some modern scholar gives excellent notes, or bibliographic info, I'll give direct example. If the flow of their narrative over chapters or paragraphs, seems artful or particularly clear, or helpful, I like to give example of that. If a description or elucidation of complex ideas strikes me as revealing in an author, that goes in. Variety in expression of form, style and substance regularly gets highlighted. Sometimes there's just notes. Less often are there sections that follow strict review patterns, but there are many summaries. There are innumerable, but light, seemingly parallel references to modern expressions, attitudes or news bits and trends, because there just are so many. People and circumstances remain what they are.

ἔργῳ δ᾽ ἐστὶ μεῖζον  λόγῳ. - Euripides

Thursday, March 23, 2017

Money and Sway: Extending Control Over Spanish Church

As time went by, the King and Queen in Greater Spain drew more and more power for themselves from all quarters. By mostly traditional means, they were able to gain influence and then decisive power over old alcaldes, with new ministers of justice, as well as over the Orders that could maintain security. In addition, these brought fresh and renewing revenue streams. This same method would be applied to the Church who was wealthy beyond measure. With the precedent set at Granada in controlling offices, appointments, and other directives, the Monarchs could then demand more than just a third of the revenue. And this precedent could be extended far beyond Spain into the New World as well. A quick sketch and some scattered quotes should suffice.

Three concessions by successive popes (Alex VI in 1493, Julius II in 1508, and Adrian VI in 1523), gave the greatest of clerical authority to the Spanish Crown concerning the affirs of the Church in Spain. These authorities grew especially in those Spanish claimed lands in South and Central America. As Elliott puts it,
"In the New World... the Crown was absolute master, and exercised a virtually papal authority of its own. No cleric could go to the Indies without royal permission; there was no papal legate in the New World, and no direct contact between Rome and the clergy in Mexico or Peru; the Crown exercised a right of veto over the promulgation of papal bulls, and constantly intervened, through its viceroys and officials, in all the minutiae of ecclesiastical life." [p.102]
They had been granted the exclusive right to evangelize in the New World by Rodrigo Borgia, as Alex VI with his bull Inter caetera , as well as the right in 1501, for the Crown to perpetually keep tithes gathered for the Church in the western lands.

In 1508 Giuliano della Rovere, as pope Julius II, needed help against Venice. For this, Elliott tells us, he was willing to give up control of the presenting of Churchly benefices to the Spanish Crown. Though there would be fights on this very issue in various pockets of Greater Spain, this tool of extending benefices had already become a favorite for the King. A benefice could ensure loyalty. But providing an office that could be lucrative for the holder could also be lucrative for those bestowing it.

During the Reconquista of southern Spain, popes had granted bulls of cruzada allowing for the collection of indulgences from men, women and children. The very idea of it was the paying for the remission of sins, in order to finance a crusade against Spanish Moors, Ottoman Turks, or later, the locals who happened to live in Central America. In the sixteenth century this form of wealth extraction and its justification became very important to the Spanish Crown.

Yet it wasn't just wealth extraction that was important. The Spanish Church had its own internal problems that Queen Isabella worked to remedy as sovereign. Basic problems like absenteeism, and immorality wrestled with profligate concubinage among clerics with descendants commonly inheriting bishoprics and churchly estates, for eminence. [p. 103] First with the Jeronymite confessor Hernando de Talavera, then later with the austere Franciscan Jimenez de Cisneros, she would move to make both Granada Christian and Franciscans Observant.
"At a time when the desire for radical ecclesiastical reform was sweeping through Christendom, the rulers of Spain personally sponsored reform at home, thus simultaneously removing some of the worst sources of complaint and keeping firm control over a movement which might easily have got out of hand." [p.105]
The problems that pockets of Italy, much of Germany and all of Holland and England would suffer were greatly limited in Spain due to these actions from on high. This heavy hand of the Crown in Spain may have prevented troubles found elsewhere. But it also spawned the Inquisition.
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J.H. Elliott: Imperial Spain 1469-1716 : Penguin, NY, 2002

Friday, March 10, 2017

Ricciardo Becchi, Florence's Diplomatic Failure At Rome: late winter 1497

Already in the first weeks of Lent in Florence, after the glorious festival of Carneval that year of 1497, everything again felt like it was in free fall. Despite the great bonfire that year, for which a Venetian diplomat was said to have offered 20,000 ducats for the lot, people were starving. Some were dying of starvation. Despite the banning or exiling or jailing of certain critics of the Dominican friar under the short term of Francesco Valori as Gonfalonier, other critcis grew louder. Despite Savonarola's sermons on Ezekiel, the French would agree to a ceasefire.

What was worse, for Florence, was that by setting a truce with the League (on February 25), Charles VIII had effectively abandoned the City to its neighbors. Already they circled around her and her interests.
"Without at least the threat of a new French expedition the city was instantly more vulnerable to the pressure of the pope and the League and its hope of recovering Pisa was severely diminished. Having steadily proclaimed Charles as the New Cyrus, Savonarola's own credibility as a prophet suffered accordingly. Moreover the pope and the League could feel they had a freer hand to settle accounts with him." [p. 219]
During such a truce Venice could effectively strengthen its hold over Pisa, which it had temporarily secured over the winter. This, for Florence, would mean little commerce or profits for another year or more from its once numerous, profitable holdings and channels there. The word from Rome was just as bad.  Excommunication was threatened and the court in Rome thought Savonarola ruled in Florence. After all, he had cheered the most when the French had come to Italy.

When the pope told him to stop preaching, he had refused. When word of the reorganization of the Lombard Congregation had been sent, Savonarola had drawn up a petition from hundreds of his brethren that begged out of that. Now, after what seemed the clearly partisan Francesco Valori was seen holding such a chief, if temporary, office in Florence, reports in Rome had reached another crescendo.

As a member of the League in Italy with Venice, the Spanish sovereigns, and Milan, in order to support Naples and drive out the French, the pope, having agreed to the truce with the French in February, was dealing with a political reality. If Milan was widely seen as playing both sides in The Italian Wars, Florence had advocated the invasion of France, through the pulpit of Savonarola.

Savonarola would be quick to rightly claim he had no such political power. He had long preached that it was God who brought the French. In politics he had striven for neutrality. Against Rome he had preached only against corruption, not specific persons. Detailing all this and countering the anti-Savonarolan voices in the Roman curia and court was Ricciardo Becchi.

Messer Becchi had been Florentine envoy in Rome, tasked with the difficult project of bridging the interests of Florence with papal initiatives. Both Martines and Weinstein show how within a year, Becchi had gone from Savonarolan apologist in Rome, to the voice of Roman critics for Florence. From there, by March 1497, Becchi was warning how low Florentine opinions had sunk within the papal court.

Such a warning came March 19, Weinstein writes, when Becchi alerted the Signoria that
"... the League's ambassador were urging the pope to have no further dealings with the Florentines since they refused "to declare themselves good Italians," and the Venetian envoy had assured him personally that without the good will of his government Pisa would never be restored to them. The pope and the whole court, Becchi continued, were convinced that fra Girolamo governed everything in the city.... That he [S.] continued to prophesy the destruction and renewal of the Church and of Rome was intolerable. Moreover, if he persisted in refusing to comply with the papal order creating the new Tusco-Roman Congregation, they would initiate proceedings to censure and excommunicate him." [pp. 219-20]
Ricciardo Becchi would not be able to convince Rome of Savonarola's better intentions and, later, Savonarola would admit not trusting him as an ally for his cause. The missives of Becchi can be found in Alessandro Gherardi, Nuovi documenti e studi intorno a Girolamo Savonarola. Florence (1887): 154-6. [Opinions at Rome, a year earlier, providing more context of how far Becchi had come, are also found in Gherardi, 123-42.]

Already in Florence, a new Gonafalonier had been selected for the months of March and April. Bernardo Del Nero was seen as a Medicean partisan with an eye toward finding fiscal solutions. One popular notion which Del Nero could accept was expanding the role of public office to those who paid taxes. This method was understood as returning to sortition, a process by lot selection of filling public office, and to many, as an anti-Republican proposal since more d'Medici allies could then assume office again.

On March 18, the Council of Eighty agreed to a practica to discuss the issue.  As a measure of Valori's (and Savonarola's) sudden loss of power, Valori could hold off debate only ten days. By April 4, he could only agree to sit on a committee with the Arrabbiati opposition that would look at the 'matter of elections' and make a report. When they did, a vote was held and the Council of Eighty supported it, but the Great Council did not. Enough had thought the measure had not gone far enough.
"Weeks of reports, proposals, counterproposals, and recriminations followed until both sides were exasperated and at a loss what to do next." [p.221]
It had been increasingly clear that Florence had a lack of leadership crisis. Savonarola could not hold together his coalition of allies. Outside forces agitated and made warnings. In late April, Piero de Medici, hearing of more claims of starvation in the City and, with the more friendly Del Nero as Gonfalonier in that post, decided to move. Once again he expected the City would rise up and welcome him. He too would be mistaken.
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quotes and pagination, footnotes in Donald Weinstein: Savonarola: the rise and fall of a renaissance prophet , Yale University Press, New Haven, 2011

Thursday, March 9, 2017

news early March 2017

Despite tornadoes effecting towns, farmland, even airports along the Kansas - Missouri border on Monday, with cleanup activities continuing since, it turns out these were not the worst of local diasters this week. A wildfire that has razed much in Kansas and Oklahoma has as well stretched in Oklahoma and Texas.
This morning's news was that Marines were on their way to establish a base in Syria.
This comes the day after a major strike and walk out by women and their allies across the US. A power outage the night before seemed strongly symbolic.

But they weren't the only ones upset. Another problem that doesn't seem to go away.
Newly appointed and Senate approved Attorney General, a long-time Senator from Alabama, has already got himself accused of lying to the Senate to get the job. A new poll this morning says a majority in the US want him to resign.
Another Russian businessman has died unexpectedly.

Somehow this is also happening and remains barely reported.

Earlier this week, the current fledgling administration offered up a second try for its temporary stay on admitting travellers from certain countries in the Mid East. Legal experts say it's still faulty and won't be allowed. Don't forget, this happened.
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In the meantime, there are a number of stories around the world that deserve lots of attention. The BBC worldservice reported on the desire in Kosovo to have an army, China's role in brokering a deescalation in tensions between North and South Korea, is also covered with a different focus on npr, the tense diplomacy between North Korea and Malaysia over the death of a sibling to N Korea's "Great Leader", and the chaos that has been unleashed in South Sudan. Also, Saudi Arabia is considering deporting five million refugees.

Riots over food have erupted in Venezuela. The national guard has been called in.
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Amazingly, yesterday, US House Speaker Paul Ryan announced they had produced a healthcare omnibus bill that would replace the Affordable Care Act known as Obamacare with a sixty-six page redo. Already, no one but the speaker, the president and a small handful of others think it can pass. They've been working on a replacement for six years.

Rep John Conyers has a different idea entirely.
So do these people.
Still an evergreen moment.

Tuesday, February 28, 2017

Last Things First: Notes On Sources: Cerretani, Parenti On Francesco Valori

Here's a quick pairing of sources for two modern biographies in English on the life and times of Girolamo Savonarola. Specific instances of footnotes are followed by specific citations on specific topics, quotes or mentions. These are followed by quotes or notes about the source or sources, as well as a more recent secondary collection, etc.

In Lauro Martines: Fire In The City: Savonarola and the struggle for the soul of Renaissance Florence ; Oxford University Press, New York, 2006 

Cerretani, Bartolomeo. 1994. Storia fiorentina. Ed. G. Berti. Florence. 248: "Description of Valori" [as Gonfalonier of Justice for the months Jan-Feb 1497]
"A man of gravity and few words, with a long reddish face, he is described by Cerretani as having had 'a giant of a spirit' (animo vastissimo), 'great presence', and 'extraordinary courage'. Although ambitious and 'austerely proud', he was generally regarded as a man of exceptional honesty and integrity, ... he lived sparely, dressed modestly, and had no children to whom he could pass on his political fortunes." [p. 152]
Francesco Valori, elected as Gonfalonier in the two-month stint January/ February of 1497, had been a man at the center of things before, and could be seen as a mostly reliable ally by the Frateschi and the Dominicans at San Marco. A chief rival of his had been Piero Capponi, killed in battle outside Pisa just the previous October 26. Valori proclaimed himself publicly as a partisan for the Frateschi. This fluid group in these uncertain times were political actors that publicly sided with the reforms called for by Savonarola and their Piagnoni, or, 'Wailers'. Then Valori was selected again to the Signoria and then by end of 1496 as chosen as Gonfalonier to start the new year. He would also play a decisive role in the execution of the five in August that year as well, and pay for that with his life the following spring.

Bartolomeo Cerretani our primary source here, is, along with Parenti and Landucci, Martines says, 'one of the leading chroniclers' for Florence in the period around the invasion of France and the rise and fall of Friar Savonarola. Martines calls Cerretani  'anti-Savonarolan', as well. Still he wasn't so partisan to leave out that the Friar had his effect in the City against gambling, the displayance of finery, and crimes like sodomy.

Along with Piero Parenti, Cerretani is called an 'upper class chronicler', but could still make huge errors. For instance, Cerretani doubles the number of French men at arms that Parenti says entered the city with the King of France. But he also may have been close enough to the center of action that day. Enough to give quotes of the lively interchange between the King and Piero Capponi, with troops in the city, in a moment of heat, where both could bluff about their intentions. Later, Cerretani seemed certain that Piero d'Medici's forces assembled outside the walls would have captured the city, if not for the rain that April day of 1497.

Worse, Cerretani repeats the story that the Dominican Friar had sent a note to Gonfalonier Bartoli in August 1497, calling tacitly that 'God wants justice', and that certain high-profile captive citizens should be executed for treason. Martines details this story, notes the source and disagrees due to the majority of the rest of the evidence, saying it would be outside the Savonarolan character. Sources say Cerretani died in 1524, but I can't find a birthdate.
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Parenti, Piero. 1994. Storia fiorentina I 1476-78, 1492-96. Ed. A Matucci. Florence. 317-18:
[On shifting pro-Medicean influence (going for and then against Savonarola) and the alliances in Florence]; and, vol. 4, 181-2, Parenti (Schnitzer)

In 1910 Liepzig published a collection of writings Savonarola nach den Aufzeichnungen des Florentiners Piero Parenti that dealt with the history of Florence in the years of Savonarola's prominence there. In 1912 a review of Schnitzer's work was published in The English Historical Review. A summary of Parenti's life can be found in that simple review.

Parenti was related to the Strozzi and an adult when Florence was overcome in turn by the French, and then by Savonarola. Thus he is a chief eyewitness to the many twists and turns in the lead up to the dissolution of the Republic of Florence. Parenti himself went on to live (d. 1518) and to see the return of the de'Medici family into his city. Parenti's church was that of the Franciscans at Santa Croce who were among those critical of Savonarola's prophecies and mysticism.

During the time that France was in Italy and the famines and upsets that followed, the continued battles over Pisa and even the warnings sent from the papacy about the Dominican friar, Parenti seems undecided about Savonarola's perceived power. Parenti seems more concerned about the return of de'Medici influence by whatever means. But when Francesco Valori announced himself a partisan with the Savonarolan stamp late 1496, and then elected to the Signory with the priors then selecting him as Gonfalonier for earliest 1497, Parenti's view becomes more critical of Valori.

Valori would go on to work his way in the Signoria and manage to cast out and ban many critics of the Dominican friar. His successor Bernardo Del Nero actively spoke out against the Friar and would continue to act with a pro-Medician lean.

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In Donald Weinstein: Savonarola: the rise and fall of a renaissance prophet , Yale University Press, New Haven, 2011

Parenti, Piero di Marco, 1994. Storia fiorentina Ed. Andrea Matucci, 2 vols. (Florence, 2004-5). vol2, 1496-1502.

Much of Weinstein's discussion (pp. 214-6) on the time of Valori as Gonfalonier relies on Matucci's 2nd volume of Parenti's Storia fiorentina.  Weinstein gives us this intensive view of Valori's style of leadership, which by leaping into view, brings much into clear focus.
"Valori knew how to get his way with legislators even in the absence of majorities. One of his favorite tactics was to convene large consultative bodies (pratiche larghe) that he stacked with men he trusted to propose measures favorable to his party. When those bills duly came before the Council of Eighty and the Great Council only those known to be in favor were allowed to speak. If a measure faltered, Valori would introduce it again and again until all objections were overcome and its opponents silenced. In this way Valori speedily pushed through much of Savonarola's stalled reform program, including more thorough marshalling of the Florentine faniculli, more drastic penalties for sodomy and gambling, and tighter regulation of women's dress and ornament." [p.215]
A notable exception quickly diverting from Parenti's narrative via Weinstein, is a mention of Guicciardini's History of Florence  (123), where he says that the death of Piero Capponi in the field was necessary for the elevation of Francesco Valori in the Signoria.
and...
"Documents and information regarding the Valori in L. Polizzotto and C. Kovesi, Memorie di casa Valori (Florence, 2007)". But this is very recent.

Never Cede Anything To The Proud; Machiavelli: Discoursi, ii, 13-14

Running roughly in chronological order thru Roman History, in the second part of Niccolo Machiavelli's Dicourses On the Ten Books of Livy, he writes of the time of the Roman Samnite Wars c. 340 BCE. This thirteenth heading, or chapter-heading in the second part (or, the 73rd chapter if counted from the beginning as some editions do) in Machiavelli's Discoursi, states a sort of truism. Almost an accusation, it is the simply constructed idea that the rise of low men (those of small fortune, piccola fortuna) to high positions, came as a result usually of fraud rather than by force.

In this section, however, Machiavelli goes into some detail describing the conflict between the Latins and the Samnites, as neighbors of the Romans in the days of Alexander the Great.  Kings commit fraud all the time, he asserts, and deceive in all sorts of ways but, he says, even Livy knew that the Republic was not above deception, if it led to the growth of the state. The author of the famous earlier twentieth century translation of the Discoursi, Leslie J Walker did not think that Machiavelli had made his case to prove the truism that this chapter heading seemed to assert. Or, at least, the reference to a speech in Livy was not enough to prove the assertion true.

The speech itself as written in Livy (viii, 4) was probably modeled after the one in Thucydides , when the Corcyreans came to Athens to ask for protection. This speech in Livy comes from a Latin praetor acting as ambassador to the Senate in Rome, representing interests of herself and her neighbors, both seeking and not seeking help. This passage in Livy and since has excited scholars in almost every age. There is still debate over what Machiavelli extracts from this, or, whether Livy meant to agree or not with Annius Setinus, the embassy speaker, or if the encounter, or start of the war, even happened this way. But more simply, could this speech merely be a bald acceptance of the sometimes fraudulent access to power, thru immoral means of deception, if such a means becomes the more practical route?

The reason this is an issue at all is because of the oft-vaunted glory of Rome and its Republic. Livy and Machiavelli both had reasons to show Rome as setting a very high bar, an exemplar for the right methods of rule, for the virtues of a state. Again and again in both authors, Roman wisdom, prudence and military glory are often continually praised. This rare exception where Livy shows some of the lengths Rome let itself go, so to speak, Machiavelli casually accepts and then pushes the envelope further.

In a chapter or subject heading such as "Pride In Others is Not Overcome by Humility in Oneself", ther fourteenth, a bit of hubris might be suspected. But Machiavelli seems quite clear reiterating his point that, in some public circumstances, humility in action may no longer win the day, the battle, or the war. Here he is drawing out the point, as he says Livy describes the start of the Roman-Samnite Wars, in Livy's History.
"There are to be found numerous cases in which humility is not only no help, but is a hindrance, especially when used in dealing with arrogant men who, either out of envy or for some other cause, have come to hate you."
This was the lesson, Macchiavelli says 'our historian' Livy assures "...was the cause of the war between the Romans and the Samnites...". But a proper response to this situation, for any leader, Machiavelli tells us, is to
"... never forget his dignity, nor ... should he ever waive a point agreed upon unless he can enforce it, or thinks he can enforce it."
The practical problem in not following this advice, the counter argument Macchiavelli offers, is that of the ever-weakening slippery slope with regard to strength, power and control of the situation.
"... if you yield to a threat, you do so in order to avoid war, and more often than not, you do not avoid war. For those before whom you have thus openly demeaned yourself by yielding, will not stop there, but will seek to extort further concessions, and the less they esteem you the more incensed will they become against you."
If, in the event force is used, even a little show early on can be used as an advantageous bit of leverage.
 "But, ... if you prepare to use force, even though your forces be inferior to his, he will begin to respect you.... This applies to where you have but one enemy. If you have more, the wiser course is to hand over some of your possessions ... to win him to your side."
Returning then to how this might be applied to the situation with the Latins and the Campanians aluded to in the end of chapter thirteen, Machiavelli makes a summation.
"... when the power of the Romans was first beginning to grow, they did not fail to use fraud; of which it is always necessary that those should make use who from small beginnings wish to rise to sublime heights, and the better they conceal it, as the Romans did, the less blameworthy it is."
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Niccolo Machiavelli: The Discourses on the First Ten Books of Livy Edited by Bernard Crick, translated by Leslie J Walker, thrird revision by Brian Richardson, Penguin Books, London, 1970, 2003