Tuesday, April 28, 2015

Cortes Presses Attack: From The Third Letter: April 1521

Hernan Cortes kept a number of fires burning at the same time. In addition to the boats being made, there was the arrival of more men and horses and food and arms from the coast, as well as word from the chain of friendly posts on the road from Texcoco to Vera Cruz. At least as important was the arrival of and the benefits from the allied Tlaxcala locals. Cortes also found time in the spring to frequently raid various towns around Texcoco. He would lead these sorties for weeks before the eventual attack and siege on the great city of Tenochtitlan.

One such raid occurred immediately after a great number of Tlaxcala had arrived, as Cortes told his King and Emperor Carlos V, in his Third Letter. It gives a clear sense of these sometimes daily missions and this part of the process that Cortes employed as part of his overall strategy.
"... I prepared twenty-five horsemen and three hundred foot soldiers and fifty crossbowmen and harquebusiers and six small field guns, and without telling anyone where I was going left this city [of Texcoco] at nine in the morning; and with me went the captains... with more than thirty thousand men, all very well organized into battalions, after their fashion. When it was already late, we came upon a group of enemy warriors some four leagues from the city, but the horsemen broke through and routed them, and as the warriors of Tascalteca [the Tlaxcala] are very agile they followed us and together we killed many of our foes; that night we slept in the open, under careful guard.
 On the following morning we continued our journey, and still I had not said where I intended to go, which I did because I distrusted some of those from Tesuico [Texcoco] who were with us, for as yet I had no confidence in them and feared they might betray my intention to the people of Mexico and Temixtitan. We now reached a town called Xaltoca [Xaltocan], which is situated in the middle of the lake, and all around were a great many channels full of water, which made the town very strong because the horsemen could not cross them. The enemy yelled at us loudly and attacked us with darts and arrows, but the foot soldiers succeeded in entering the towns, although with some difficulty, and drove them out and burnt much of the place. That night we put up a league from there. When it was light we continued on our way and soon came upon the enemy, who began to shout at us from afar as they do in war, which is truly a terrifying thing to hear. We followed them and came upon a very large and beautiful city called Goatitan [Cuauhtitlan]; this we found deserted and so slept there that night."
Cortes went with what he brags was a huge force, moving north and west and south again around the end of Lake Texcoco in the great Mexican basin, taking Xaltocan and then, going on to occupy Cuauhtitlan. And this included groups with captains that some of whom Cortes says he was not ready to trust. They pressed on to Tenayucan  where there was 'no resistance' and then to Azcapotzalco. But Cortes said he wanted to continue to Tlacopan which was 'very near Temixtitan', his name for the great central complex Tenochtitlan.
"When we came close to it we found that there also the enemy had dug a great number of ditches and were well prepared for our arrival. When we saw them, we and our allies attacked them, entered the city, killed some, and drove the inhabitants out. But as it was now late we did nothing more that night and lodged in a house which was so large that we were all very comfortable. At dawn our allies began to sack and burn the whole city except for the house where we were quartered, and they were so diligent in this that they destroyed a quarter of it."
Maybe this shows just how much control Cortes had of this huge army. They stayed there for six more days and the fighting continued. The Tlaxclalans 'fought beautifully' and, with the locals, while fighting  "...they argued... shouting insults and threats at each other, all of which was a remarkable sight." But, Cortes goes on, that while 'many of the enemy were killed', 'our people weren't endangered'. There was much resistance and verbal epithets that Cortes relates.
"Often they pretended to open a way for us, saying, "Come in, come in and enjoy yourselves!" or, at other times, "Do you think there is now another Mutezuma to do whatever you wish?""
He stopped at one point and asked a number 'in the middle of these exchanges' for quiet. They complied. He asked them "...if they were mad and wished to be destroyed." Then asked if there was a leader he could talk to. They said they all were, "...so I might say what I wished." Cortes said nothing, but one of his unnamed men spoke to them that they would die of hunger, "for we would not let them escape in search of food." The locals said they weren't hungry, had plenty of food, would eat them and the Tlaxcalans when they were hungry. Then they offered them bread. "Take these and eat them if you are hungry for we are not." It seems unlikely Malintzin was there for this encounter. But could even she be very useful in clearing up such blatant miscommunications?

Next in his narrative, Cortes begs off advancing. Explaining that since his motive was to talk and that was 'achieving nothing', he decided to 'return back to Texcoco,' to 'hasten the assembly of the brigantines', so as to be able to surround them on all sides. The sixth night they returned to Cuauhtitlan.
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quotes from The Third Letter from Hernán  Cortés: Letters From Mexico, translated, edited and with a new intro by Anthony Pagden, as a Yale Nota Bene book, Yale University Press, USA 2001


Sunday, April 26, 2015

Later news bits, April 2015

Spectacular photos from the Chilean volcano that erupted on Earth day 22 April.

Devestating 7.8 and 6.7 earthquakes in Nepal, the worst in 80 years, have killed at least 1800 with several villages destroyed and unaccounted for.

Reminding us there's no place like home.

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Tense days have come to Baltimore, Maryland as questions of the death of Freddie Gray last week have boiled over. After suffering a severed spine while in police custody the week before, many thousands of people came out in the streets for protests all week.
Here in front of the famed baseball field and market in Baltimore, at Camden Yards this evening some property damage occurred, with a dozen arrested.
People were marching in Johannesburg, South Africa from the slightly different angle of confronting xenophobia itself.

Powerful art from Canada last week.

Great street graffiti found in Kansas city, Missouri.

Saturday was St Mark's Day, and events were carried out and captured nicely in Venice, Italy.
The guardian asks for pictures of Cuba.

A picture of spring

Thursday, April 23, 2015

Battle of Villalar Ends Hopes For Castilian Liberation From Carlos V: April 23, 1521


The battle of Villalar in northern Spain is seen as a watershed event for the solidification of power of Carlos V.  The nobles and commons in Castile had long chafed under the the rule of either Ferdinand, his daughter Joanna or, her husband Philip of Burgundy. Too often the monarch was out of town and did not, could not or would not settle their grievances.

Meanwhile there were wars between the various houses, against the muslims, against the French, against the Italians and there was ever recurring plague. The young monarch Carlos who had come to accept his crown had done little to earn it, except be born of illustrious parents and survive to young adulthood. He had been raised in Bruges and had no knowledge of Spain or the Spanish language. How could he rule, and at such a young age?

Through the four to five years since the death of Ferdinand and the retreat of Joanna a number of uprisings had occurred. Toledo, Toro, Burgos, Avila, Salamanca, Madrid. Castile had already been heavily taxed by Joanna and when Carlos arrived he set his friends from the Burgund court at key positions who began trying to extract further levies. This boiled over into armed resistance. They petitioned their young king with a set of grievances which demanded their traditional civil liberties, the dismissal of foreign officials, a national Castilian policy and for him to live permanently in Castile. The young king was not ready for this. The comuneros turned to Joanna who sympathized with them even in writing. Carlos had appointed Adrian of Utrecht (future pope Adrian VI) to act in his interests. He advised that if Joanna would have her way and grant support to the comuneros it might irrevocably split the kingdom of Castile. She relented.

The Constable of Castile came south to attack the rebels. The leader of these Juan de Padillo waited too long to act. The result was a decisive blow. The leaders were captured and hung the next day. Young Carlos, the nobles would say, had a great victory that day.

A reenactment was filmed.

Dissension and Inheritance: Spanish Troubles in early 1500's

Formerly, the marriage of Ferdinand II of Aragon and Isabella of Castile in 1469 put them in line as monarchs of a putatively unified Spain. There was however, much contention along the way. The war with Portugal, the wars against (and the eventual expelling of) Muslims, the several wars between noble houses and the birth of the Inquisition underscore the turbulence of their rule.

Despite it all, by 1497 they seemed to have their legacy in place. Their children were married to secure heirs and the physical bounds of their dominion seemed secure. Within a few short years these efforts fell apart. Their son John died later that year and daughter Isabella the year after that and her son Miguel died in 1500. This left the daughter Joanna who had been marrried (1496) to Philip the Handsome of Burgundy, the sole Hapsburg son of Emperor Maximilian Archduke of Austria and Mary of Burgundy. Joanna spent the next several years in Brussels at the Burgund court where she gave birth to the future emperor Carlos and two future queens.

The entire court of Philip and Joanna returned to Madrid in 1502 and which was chronicled by Philip's chamberlain Antoine de Lalaing. It was there that Joanna officially received fealty from the Cortes, the legislative courts and local nobles of Castile and officially became heiress to be queen of Castile. Philip then left and Joanna stayed in Madrid giving birth to a son Ferdinand. He would become emperor following his brother Carlos. It was but a brief time later that her mother Isabella died in 1504 and Joanna was declared regent of Castile with her husband Philip as titular head. The Cortes were unhappy with this and so, the father Ferdinand tried to solidify his own rulership, even minting coins declaring Ferdinand and Joanna as co-rulers of Castile. But with the death of Isabella, Castile was feeling leaderless and troublesthere began again in earnest.

In 1505, Ferdinand took matters into hand persuading the Cortes that he would rule due to a sickness that Joanna suffered from. Ferdinand also had begun working on a pro-French policy. By marrying Germaine de Foix, a niece of French king Louis XII -and heiress to the province of neighboring Navarre - he hoped to produce a male heir that could assume control of Castile and Navarre and his legacy Aragon. Part of these negotiations included Louis ceding his claim on Naples to his niece Germaine de Foix. This was wrapped up in the Second Treaty of Blois in 1505 which also made a tentative peace in this second round of the Italian wars (1499-1503).

But the next year, when Ferdinand married Germaine, Philip of Burgundy and Joanna returned to Castile to find the locals up in arms. Tensions were high, Ferdinand capitulated to Philip and a treaty was signed. But suddenly in September, 1506, Philip died of fever. Plague following the wars, the desperate lack of funds, and suspicion of intrigue left Joanna almost powerless. Attempts by her confessor Archbishop Cisneros tried to calm things, but to no avail. When Ferdinand returned to Castile in 1507 there was a brief respite in the plague and Ferdinand was seen as healing the chaotic scene.

Joanna 's heir Carlos was six and lived in far off Flanders. Officially the crown of Castile at last would pass to Ferdinand. He would rule at a distance until his death in 1516. The years after his death would again be tumultuous.

In 1517 Carlos came to accept his crown in Castile. He heartily welcomed his widowed step-mother into his court and a year later she gave birth to a daughter Isabel. It is conjectured that she is their daughter. In 1519 they moved to Aragon where he was crowned and then they went to Brandenburg to marry her to a margrave Johann. She would return to help Carlos later.

Tuesday, April 21, 2015

Letter 18: Alessandra Strozzi Works From Afar: April 21, 1464

The young man Francesco di Sandro had been received in Naples but apparently was not to Filippo's liking. His family was poor and the youth had not the skills Filippo required. Alessandra's explanation is revealing.
"... I gather you've tested him since he came and you think that so far he knows very little about what to do in the business. It's true, and the person who brought him up is mainly to blame. His father is a good man and plausible, but he isn't really as he seems. I know him better now, because since I made friends withe the boy I've made myself useful by arranging a marriage for one of his daughters, by advising the relations of the man who was marrying her, so that the match was made. It turns out he's not really the sort of man I thought he was, and his wife is better than he is. They have a large family and little money so they're forced to bring them up in rather a rough way. Still you should apply yourself [to helping Francesco], and Andrea is there and can show him what to do; as he isn't stupid he'll learn. May God hold this in our favor."
Alessandra had changed her mind about the flax sent home by Filippo. It now seemed a good idea to her. More deaths by plague locally, as well as in Naples, brought forth this mother's fears.
"Lorenzo's daughter [Marietta Strozzi] is still here but I haven't heard anything else about it. She's waiting here for her mother. The plague's a great inconvenience for girls because hardly any marriages are being arranged here. I see there's also some fear of an outbreak there and that some people have died from it already. This has upset me very much, more than the fact that it's here, and I'll go on being afraid of it. I do beg you as much as I can to be wise enough to watch out for it; don't wait until it boils over before you leave. Do be one of the first to go, and remember that everyone who's died in our family has gone of this disease, right up to my son Matteo. So keep this in mind."

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translated by Heather Gregory: Selected Letters of Alessandra Strozzi : Bilingual Edition, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1997

Goods Sold, Transferred; The Idea of the Map, 1490

One of the necessary means of asserting control over a territory for a future thinking prince or duke in the renaissance era was in knowing one's limits. Specifically, how big was this region? Who could be included as the inhabitants? Who, and crucially, where exactly were the neighbors? People who travelled frequently, often kept to their own charts and methods. But as houses and duchies and cities grew larger into broader territorial concerns, and universal knowledge of far off - or even nearby - places became more important, a handy repository of such collected information became necessary.

Books were good and could even maintain contact information as well as prices, official's titles who handled business, and all other manner of data. But there were so many places. Some of them, like those that sold pepper and other spices were also very far away. So far away, that not many had actually been there. There were as well, so many places in between that, in fact, it was hard to find someone who merely may have met anyone who had been there. Information on these places was scarce and unverifiable and it could take years, if word or a person were sent, before they came back. Even first hand knowledge could be very vague and unspecific, or just wrong.

The proliferation of books at the very least revealed a thirst for accurate information. Similarly, a quest for maps and mapmakers spread through Europe. Thomas A Brady tells us that 'an administrative transformation' was occurring in German lands which took up legal methods, admisinistrative processes, scholastic rigor and accurate accountancy methods to further state efficiency and strength. [p. 100] They even begin to send out mapmakers across the countryside to accurately pinpoint whose land was who's. Maps in the cities were being drawn up, districts were being named, and the science of cartography had new purpose.

An example of a very famous map is shown in Lisa Jardine's Worldly Goods, her take on the intersections that resulted from (and that were gleaned through) the products of commerce in those times. The 'city fathers of Nuremburg' commissioned a map as 'part of a plan to extend trade along the west African coast'. Everyone was focused on the east and the spices that came from there: pepper, cloves, nutmeg, myrrh and frankincense. This trade that extended eastward had existed for centuries. Venice had caravans that went twice a year to Alexandria, and Genoa and Venice still had ports on the Black Sea. But there were enterprising groups in Portugal, Spain and German and Dutch lands that yearned to find a way to cut out the traditional middle men.

It was a bit of 'German commercial sponsorship' to help propel 'German trading involvement' that led to the hiring of one Martin Behaim of Nuremburg to craft a new kind of map. He had the highest rated technical skill having been taught by Regiomontanus a unique teacher. In 1490, Georg Holzschuher a Nuremburg merchant approached Marin Behaim to construct a 'terrestrial globe':
"... detailing the commodities and the nature of the business opportunities at various key commercial locations in the world. The long legend... carefully itemized the cumulative customs duties incurred by the spice trade. It gave a meticulous account of the nature of the duties currently payable at each exchange point in the long chain of transactions preceding the spices' arrival in Europe." [p. 296]

It said they collected and bought them in Java Minor, took them to 'Seilan or Ceylon' where they were unloaded, charged customs and sold again to Aurea Chersonesus. There they were charged customs, sold to Taprobana, charged customs, bought and taken to Aden, unloaded and charged customs there again. In Aden, merchants from Cairo bought them and took them north. There they were bought by Venice, brought home and sold there to Germans who paid customs and fees. This would happen again in Frankfurt, Bruges, and again in France and England. They claimed that these customs duties amounted to a pound for every ten in every exchange along the way leaving the retail price for spice 'as much as that for gold.'

The merchants approached future Emperor Maximilian in 1492 for money to fund the search for a new route. Jardine says the notion didn't suit his' temperament' and that he wasn't inclined to 'speculate in trade' but passed word of the idea on to the Portuguese king as well as a letter of reccomendation for Martin Behaim. They could set out from the Azores and explore. But Portugal's interest lay south along the coast of Africa, not west. So Behaim worked in Lisbon. It was the globe made and credited to him that was taken by Magellan in 1519.
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Jardine, Lisa: Worldly Goods: a new history of the Renaissance; Bantam Doubleday Dell; London 1996

Saturday, April 18, 2015

Catching Up With Cortes, spring 1521

After the ignominious retreat of Cortes and his remaining men, the many months staying with the still allied Tlaxcalans, after the waves of small pox that had decimated the incalculably huge number of locals, in the spring of 1521, Cortes was convinced he had to strike.

There had been many who needed to recuperate from wounds and sicknesses that also spread among the Europeans. Cortes himself had a couple fingers of his left hand chopped off in order to stop grangrene.  The overall size of his European forces had increased with all of the men who had arrived with Narvaez and come over to his command. But many of those had perished during the Night of Sorrows when they had retreated from the great city.  With so much disaster - and the small pox continuing to heavily plague their allies - a few things became crucial to moving forward.

A fleet of seven ships had been sighted on the coast. One of these was sent from Cortes' father bearing men and arms and food and wine. Three more ships would arrive in the spring of 1521. Another crucial thing was the local allies and how quickly the Tlaxcalans learned to help build ships - Cortes called them brigantines - for the siege inland on the great city. The other crucial thing was the supply chain of allies that led back to Vera Cruz and the eastern coast that allowed the relatively free movement of information and eventually goods and men and arms from the coast. Without any of these, the plan to move ahead and try to take the city would very likely fall through. The arrival of more ships in the spring must have been especially heartening.


Wednesday, April 15, 2015

news mid April, 2015; some heroes

Greek Minister Yanis Varoufakis will meet with ECB and US economic heads this week.

CIA head John Brennan says world will likely see a loss of nation-state power over coming decades.

A brief look at the complicated relationship between US and new Iraqi prime minister Haider al-Abadi in the Wahington Post.

These comedians tell what's happening in the middle east region from an 'Egyptian' point of view.

Some other heroes these last few weeks. Because we need them.
A reenactment and multimedia presentation about Lincoln's life and last night was put on. Amazing simulcast both real and virtual, inside and outside the theater of many aspects of all the proceedings, made many who witnessed it overcome with emotion.

View of the vigil outside Ford's Theater in Washington, DC, April 14, 2015 where President Abraham Lincoln was shot 150 years before.
Here's a picture of WWII era Princess Elizabeth, posing before the vehicles she used to maintain in England as her service duty. Once she was a car mechanic and now she is Queen, and a great-grandmother.
This guy took a video of a cop in North Charleston, South Carolina as the cop shot and killed a man named Walter Scott. The article linked tells how he shot the video of what is being called a homicide case.
A bust of Edward Snowden was put up on top of a WWII memorial in Brooklyn last week. Taken down within a few hours, a hologram replaced it the next day.
Amazing hologram of protesters in Madrid, Spain to get around gag law that wants to prevent protests against ammendments to the penal code and the new anti-terror laws.
______________________________________________________________________________ Legendary blues guitar player BB King was hospitalized last week but is feeling better:



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In completely unrelated news, the Black Rhino is extinct:

Also, a bit of the earliest history of Wall Street in New York will be memorialized.


Andrea Gritti's First Election: Sanudo Diaries: April 3, 1502; 4:254

Early in April 1502, Andrea Gritti had been elected as a 'councillor for the sestiere of Santa Croce on the far side of the Grand Canal'.  A sestiere was then and remains today the same well-defined physical district in the city of Venice. Councillors were elected to advise the doge on aspects of the city. Sanudo describes it perfectly.
Sanudo Diaries: April 3, 1502; (4:254); "The new councillors from the far side of the Grand Canal were elected. Ser Andrea Gritti, recently returned from Constantinople, won by the scrutinio."
The scrutinio as our Editors define it was a "... vote in the Senate whereby a candidate was nominated from the floor to be voted on alongside those nominated in the Great Council by a group of committees - usually four - chosen by lot. The Senate candidate had the advantage of a block of votes and support of distinguished patricians."

It was Gritti's first elected post and came after returning to the city following imprisonment and intrigue in Constantinople during one of the intermittent wars with the Ottomans.
Sanudo Diaries: (con't); "It is the first elected office he has held in this Republic; nor was he on any earlier ballots, except that the other day in the Senate he was nominated to be a savio de Terraferma but lost, being short of votes. This ser Andrea Gritti will be a worthy citizen, because he has every good quality. First, he is handsome, generous, well-spoken, etc,; one could even say that "his worth is more pleasing because it appears in a handsome body.""
This, the Editors tells us [footnote 13, p 235], intentionally follows the Vergil line
'Gratior es pulchro veniens in corpore virtus'  in Aeneid 5:344.

The reference in Vergil describes Euryalus, the Trojan son of Opheltes, beloved of Nisus, Trojan son of Hyrtacus. For funeral games - occurring after funeral, sacrifices there were games, including a boat race - Nisus slipped and fell in a race and had just knocked aside a competitor so that his favcorite Euryalus could win first prize.

Sanudo Diaries: (con't); "He [Gritti] was elected in recognition of his merits, in that to warn his homeland, he wrote letters to Constantinople, giving information to our Signoria of the events and the actual preparation of a fleet the Turks were undertaking. His letters were found, so he was in danger of having his head cut off."
Editor's note: "Translation based on J.C. Davis 1974, 106."

And,
"Gritti's political rise ... was quite spectacular, it was not unique. J.C. Davis points out that of the thirty-six doges elected between 1300 and 1550, fourteen were known to be merchants, nine probably were not, and thirteen may or may not have been, although the likelihood is that they were and that it was so unremarkable a pursuit that it went unmentioned, whereas governmental honors were always mentioned. 1974, 98."

And from their bibliography:
Davis, James Cushman, 1974. Shipping and spying in the career of a Venetian doge, 1496-1502. Studi Veniziani 16:97-108.

A later picture of Andrea Gritti appears excerpted in this translation of Sanudo during the Feast of San Marco, when Gritti was doge.
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All above quotes from pp 234-5:  Venice, Cita Excellentissima, Selection from the Renaissance Diaries of Marin Sanudo translated by Linda L Carroll,  editors: Patricia H LaBalme and Laura Sanguineti White, published by Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008

Monday, April 13, 2015

nice views and news bits April 13, 2015


At the court of the Gonzaga, Andrea Mantegna 1471

Not sure where this is but it's beautiful.
View of Switzerland:

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An historic meeting between US and Cuban presidents was big news recently.
Also in big news is the multilateral, multi-country agreed framework for a deal with Iran to forego its nuclear research in exchange for the lifting of decades-old economic sanctions. In Iran and the US there are two very opposed factions to this deal.
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Apparently, Russian president Vladimir Putin is trying to entice Greece in leaving the European Union which could send Europe into an economic downturn, but also free it from crushing austerity policies imposed by the same EU.
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As California in the US suffers record droughts, some have taken to privatizing natural resources.
A nice flower shaded street in Greece:

Tuesday, April 7, 2015

Letter 17: From Alessandra Strozzi to Filippo Strozzi, News In Florence: April 7, 1464

The following letter excerpt from mother to son reveals more still of the extent that she would go to accept her far off son's apparent premarital behaviour. She even lays out a course where he might be able to advance his own education. If he were able to see it as such. Filippo was thirty-five years old and a successful unmarried banker who had taken a slave as a mistress, named Marina. A couple youths of the family had arrived, one Francesco in Naples, and one Tommaso in Florence.

Our translator and editor here Heather Gregory, tells us that Tommaso Ginori was a nephew of Niccolo Strozzi and an employee of Filippo there in Naples at this time. He had gone to Florence and visited Alessandra for Easter, 1464. He had spokne with her about the affairs of Filippo and she felt motivated to tell him what she thought in this candid way.
"Tommaso ... came on Easter Day and told me ... about Marina and how well she looks after you. Hearing such things I find it easy to understand why you want to put off getting married for a year and why they're so slow at finding you a wife. You behave like a man who wants to put off dying or paying his debts for as long as he can. At the moment you've only got one woman in the house and you're well looked after, but when you get married there'll be lots of them and you wonder how you'll get on. So it seems to me you're wise to take your time, as you must make up your mind eventually. I talked to Tommaso about several things which I've had on my mind, but I don't know what will come of it."

How would he prepare to provide for a house full of women?  Amply, as it turns out. Alessandra turns to the news again. There was plague, nearby, but not for 'the well to do'. She asks about the money sent to Niccolo and the spectacles sent for a friend of Filippo. A marriage of a Strozzi daughter to a d'Medici banker who had just returned to Florence seems unlikely. A shipwreck off Flanders [today's Holland] where many people and goods were lost was news in Florence. News that Alessandra thought would be news in Naples, as well. Expecting Lorenzo Strozzi to arrive by sea at some future point, she wishes his safe arrival.
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translated with notes by Heather Gregory: Selected Letters of Alessandra Strozzi : Bilingual Edition, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1997

Sunday, April 5, 2015

Letter 16: From Alessandra to Filippo (Con't): Money & Glasses, March 1464

Alessanadra Strozzi continues her letter and gives an example of what she thought about money to her son Filippo. Two pieces of land had been sold, she said, and the receipt of the money was sent to his father's cousin Niccolo Strozzi, in Rome, whom Filippo had over the years worked for in both Naples and Bruges.

"It is the 23rd [of March] now, and your letter of the 10th has arrived. I will answer as I need to. You heard about the sale of the two pieces of land and about the money I sent back to Niccolo: well today I've heard a letter from Rome saying that he'll do whatever you want with the money, and Niccolo says he's already written to you about it. You say I don't have to make excuses for taking whatever money I need but that I should spend it more usefully. To which I say that I wrote to you at the very least to give you something to read, but in particular to tell you what I wanted to do with the money, so you wouldn't think I'd spent it on something else. I want you to know that if I die I won't have any cash in my coffers, because I will have spent it on my soul instead, which is the most useful thing I have. I'm careful not to spend money badly or uselessly, so there's nothing else to be said about it. I'll go on doing what I think is best, both for me and you."
She also tells him, according to our translator and editor here Heather Greggory, that she's glad Filippo carried out the terms of his brother and, her son's will, that she is expecting a delivery of flax sent by him and that spectacles had been bought and were to be sent to him.
"They bought the spectacles today, and they're sending them to you in Rome by the servant who takes Niccolo Strozzi's letters, so do be sure to collect them. Nothing else occurs to me for now. Do keep me in your thoughts; may God keep you from all harm. From your Alessandra Strozzi in Florence."
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translated with notes by Heather Gregory: Selected Letters of Alessandra Strozzi : Bilingual Edition, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1997

Delenda Intra Multis Partibus: Looking Toward What Worked

It was a process. The breaking up and then, the putting together. It didn't happen all at once or start in one place and spread from there to all other places. It wasn't seen as the only solution for the already centuries old problem of partible inheritance , or the most effective. Until later. There was a lot of bloodshed, betrayal and even brother against brother, slowing down the process. But it did happen and the process did spread. A mix of military and legal struggles brought about eventual leaders, some to certain places before others.The eventual leaders of consequence ended up accepting literate burghers who could run districts. Inherited custom, local tradition, land, and religious focus was changed into established legal bodies, practices, and territorial statutes codified in halls of state.

In German lands, as Thomas A. Brady explains it, the partition of inherited lands had become a problem. In Bavaria it was first corrected in 1504 by a bloody war. There, Duke Albert IV "gained his estate's consent to the rule of primogeniture" as first born son of his family. The Habsburgs had partitioned themselves again and again but did so for a last time in 1564. In Brunswick the Welf dynasties split their inherited lands twelve times from 1202 to 1495. The Saxon partition of 1485 left two relatively weak states to rule over their huge population and formerly profitable mining industry. The lands of Baden and Nassau underwent similar partitions that resulted in weaker states.

"Declaring a dynasty's lands indivisible did not in itself transform patrimonial holdings - partible bundles of rights, incomes, immunities, and jurisdictions - into a unified territorial state. The decisive step was the prince's assertion of his right to legislate, to make law rather than simply to enforce it, and to do so uniformly for all of his lands, regardless of their local traditions." [p. 100]

Again, the process was slow and far from universal. But, as regions and locales came to recognize both the problems - of security, of jurisdiction, and of the traditions of inheritance - happening around them, and the effects of the various solutions, they could see what worked and didn't. This gradual awareness and the proliferation of books, as well as the literate professional, the book trade and awareness growing in the numerous seats of learning in cities, gave rise to an even more greater desire to learn more and try more in new ways. Economics, and a wish to escape from the hazards of want and poverty, even in or despite times of war, drove people as well.

'Good governance'  or gute Policey was the term Brady says appeared by 1500 to describe new regulating statutes. From export restrictions to dress-codes, beer brewing standards to day-laborer and servant wages, new laws could even try to restrict gambling. First these had to combat local tradition and culture, but in time Brady asserts, they came, in the sheer 'aggregate weight of territorial statutes', to influence Imperial policy. A groundswelling of changing norms that the Emperors had to respond to.

Certain laws targeted apprentices, journeymen, servants, day-laborers, even beggars. Anybody who wasn't already devoted to a church or secular master or, like travellers, were independent and whose status to a local authority could be questioned, could only be regulated by new laws. But again, this process was slow and continually changed from place to place.  The norm that was sill understood was one where many differnt polities could have numerous kinds of authority: city, church, bishop, duke or emperor.

The new codification came with new models from the top down. The prince or noble or bishop or duke had a literate assistant support him in all matters. The growing importance of this post grew into cadres of individuals learned in things from mapmaking to accounting. One had to know who controlled what and what could be counted and tallied. and records needed to be kept.The legal prosecutors grew in number but also diplomats as well as the record-keeping chancellors. By the mid-sixteenth century Brady says, burghers from the cities came to fill these sorts of posts in the new growing bureaucracy.

In due time, these became the new indispensable wings of the new territorial state. The obstacles of these were many and would not grow at the same pace everywhere. But while in 1400, Germany may have had one lawyer Jan Vener trained in Bologna in both canon and civil law, 'by 1500, a university-trained jurist was the most important officer' in every regime. More and more the collective memory of a territorial state, housed in the ever-growing archives of records and laws, became greater in importance for a state's decisions than even the noble prince or titular head. "Institutions give governance memory." [p.102]

The process was long, but crucially in a few decades a few of the most notable regimes made necessary transitions in that direction and then many more followed suit. Maximilian made organizational reforms that followed Burgundian models with Treasury, Chancery and Judicial branches. Bavaria had written laws based on Roman models by 1520, while Baden began chancery restrictions in 1504 and set up a central court in 1509.
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quotes and pagination from: Thomas A Brady Jr: German Histories in The Age of Reformations, 1400-1650;  University of California, Berkeley for the Cambridge Univeristy Press, 2009

Saturday, April 4, 2015

news bits: early spring sightings, 2015

The cherry trees blossom in Tokyo:

A snapshot of a school in Kobane, Syria after weeks of heavy fighting there:
These Ukrainian Easter Eggs symbolize resurrection:


High tide at St Michel, France:
Pope Francis is hopeful over deal with Iran at Easter speech.


An early spring aurora seen from space over North America:
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High Hopes

Sunday, March 29, 2015

Columbus Battles To Redress Navidad: On Second Voyage: March 26, 1495

Mention must be made here of the battle led by Christopher Columbus against the locals of Hispaniola (now Dominica) in the Caribbean. His son who chronicled his life posits a number of causes but spends little time detailing any of it.

Formerly, Margalit had gone a fair distance - back to Spain - after ruining things.
The resulting report of the bad leadership by Pedro Margalit - set glowingly aright with the arrival of Admiral Columbus - looks nearly predictable in hindsight.
The rebellious underlings that were massacring locals, were swiftly brought to heel and made obedient by decisive leadership.
The swarm of several local chiefs setting their people in acts of vengeance against the Spaniards, were in turn, found out not to be that many after all, then captured and cowed into submission.

One chief, ahead of and apart from the others, came to Columbus and had his version of events told to the great Colon. He said he'd always welcomed the Europeans and provided all that was needed, so he had not got into any arrangement with the other caciques. Columbus accepted this, made himself an ally to this cacique, that the son Colon called Guacanagari, and set out again from Isabela 'prepared for war' to set things aright on March 24, 1495. Guacanagari, conveniently 'was most eager to conquer his enemies' and joined in, even though-  the son protests - it would be most difficult.

Only 200 Christians, 20 horses and about the same number of hunting dogs - that could also hunt people - were had by Guacanagari's new ally, but they were ready to go against what Colon the son estimates as  'more than 100,000 Indians'. They must have all been very good swimmers, too.

Also conveniently, Columbus knew his adversaries very well. By 26 March, Columbus split his forces with his brother Bartolome. Thus surrounding as many as possible, the intention was to then frighten the locals by discharging firearms from both directions at once. This was done, then the infantry on both sides attacked and then the dogs were set loose.
"The Indians fled like cowards in all directions, and our men pursued them, killing so many and wreaking such havoc among them that, to be brief, by God's will victory was achieved, many Indians being killed and many others captured and executed. Caonabo, the principal king of all, was taken alive with his sons and women."
The king confessed to killing 20 Christians, in Navidad on Colon's first voyage. That he had at first feigning friendship, tried to learn about the fortification-town of Isabel, just like the garrison had expected. They expected him to try to attack and told the Admiral so, such that he had 'complete knowledge' from 'various informants'.
"... and it was to punish the king for this crime and for his subsequent rebellion and raising of the Indians that the Admiral had marched against him."

Columbus sent the king and one of his brothers, to Spain. But "... since he did not want to execute justice on so important a person without the knowledge of the Catholic sovereigns. he contented himself with sentencing many of the most guilty."

What these sentences were are not mentioned. The inhabitants however, became 'obedient' and pacific, paying in Cibao, a per capita gold tribute that, the son says, made the christians very prosperous. The son then spends less than three additional pages [ch 62] on the foodstuffs, culture and political organization of the locals. In Chapter 63, on March 10, 1496 Columbus returns to Castile for the ending of the Second Voyage.
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quotes, from pp. 189-90 in: The Four VoyagesChristopher Columbus, edited, translated and with an introduction by JM Cohen, 1969 and for The Penguin Group, London, 1969


Friday, March 27, 2015

Letters From Innsbruck, Augsburg: Sanudo Diaries: March 27, 1504: 5:1004-64

In the ten years since the French had come to Italy under Charles VIII, much had changed for Marin Sanudo's Venice. The French had left, but the old Francophile Giuliano della Rovere was now pope. News had arrived that Emperor Maximilian was nearing some sort of pact with both the French and the Spanish monarchs and the pope. But despite her reputation, Venice often had great difficulty figuring the intentions or, even the existing alliances or, the ongoing projects among the major powers. As well known an appetite as Venice had in her so avidly seeking information, the reality could often be a much leaner fare. Sometimes the news travelled only as fast as horses could run. What if the horses were never sent, or letters were captured? There were so many potential problems to prepare for.

The arrival of letters from Alvise Mocenigo, ambassador at the Imperial court in Innsbruck, then, this time in the spring of 1504, is a great example of how distant the halls of state of even Venice could be kept apart from the highest terrestrial conversations. The other great powers now and then, by keeping her rotating ambassaors out of the central information loop (until perceived dangers had passed and actions could proceed to other activities), these actors could then act in more relative freedom from the prying eyes of the supposedly all-seeing Venice. Sometimes the changes in administration from one pope to another, or, from one ambassador or informant to another, could open up huge vistas of information and potential consequences, and thus necessitate increased airing of details of past activities that reflected on the torrid current of state policies. These bits of new information that did make it back to Venice often caused turbulent discussion there.

Mocenigo, confirmed in Venice November 1502, relieved his predecessor in Augsburg by December. The situation was one of flux then. A year later, old news was still coming to light.

Letters from March 5 tell how the royal secretary Don Matteo Lang spoke of a three-year truce between France and Spain and Maximilian, the 'king of the Romans.' This was what Venice called him, unless they referred to him as 'the archduke' of Austria. Max was meanwhile off to Bavaria to settle things there but would return. The ambassadors from Milan were in despair since, the last time Emperor Max and Louis XII the King of France made a pact, Milan had lost her independence. A rumor floated that France would cede Naples to the king of the Romans and, Milan's position would be left little more than as another pawn, or worse, vassals of Innsbruck.

By March 18, Sanudo tells us the city had received more letters from Mocenigo, dated March 8. This time he said he had received a gift of fish from the Emperor and, word that the Germans should consume that gift with him and thus that the Germans should go meet them. Perhaps this is a bit more clever than merely odd. Ambassador Mocenigo said he himself had sent 'one of his men' to lodge with the head of the French king's couriers, to be 'on the lookout' for nunzios and letters from Rome. He also reported that 'people in Germany' thought that Louis was consumptive and would soon die - which was far from the case. He would last another ten years.

On March 27, more letters from the week before (the 16th) arrived. Some of this was in code and advised Venice to make overtures to Maximilian, Archduke of Austria, king of the Romans. More specifically he said, that if Max did acquire Naples and Milan in these negotiations with poope Julius II and the king of Aragon, and the king of France, that things would turn out badly for Venice. That there were items or, potential circumstances in these treaties, where the king of France would be obligated 'to oppose our Signoria', Venice. Another letter dated on the 17th, said the ambassador had at last spoken to the king who seemed firmly against the interests of Venice. That yes, he had just come from Rome but would not speak of that, but that there was peace between France and Spain. That he had come from Bavaria and was preparing for war to take a piece of that.

On the same day, another letter arrived from the same ambassador, dated the 18th that was still more urgent.

Sanudo Diaries: March 27, 1504; (5:1044-45); "From the same of the 18th. He spoke with someone from the entourage of ser Constantin Arniti, the king's ambassador in Rome, who had received letters from Rome, and he describes their tenor, etc. Nevertheless, the ambassador complains that he is not advised by our Signoria about these urgent matters, that he has not had letters from our Signoria since January 26, and that he does not take as a good sign the fact that the king has not told him that he has had letters from Rome...."

The following day, from the 21st, another letter came with news that the pope had agreed to give money to the German king of the Romans, Archduke of Austria for the crusade to the Holy Land. But that the pope had made three requests. First that he should come to Rome to be crowned Holy Roman Emperor, that he thereby swear to defend and guarantee the traditional rights of the church and, that he would spend such moneys 'against the infidels' and 'for the church'. But these letters also explained that the king had not agreed to these 'stipulations'.  He couldn't come to Rome then, because war was brewing in Bavaria. that he would always defend the church in Italy or anywhere else, and that he could not obligate himself with regard to expenditures. This would be a pattern with Max and money.
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Topic in original: 5:1008-64; All quotes as Sanudo Diaries from   Venice, Cita Excellentissima, Selections from the Renaissance Diaries of Marin Sanudo translated by Linda L Carroll,  editors: Patricia H LaBalme and Laura Sanguineti White, published by Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008

Tuesday, March 24, 2015

Celestina Operates On Several Levels In Character Driven Drama

Celestina first published in Burgos in 1499, predates most 'plays' in Castillian Spanish. Initially the book was such a huge success, reprinted several times, 'translated to Italian in 1506', it may even have become, the first bestseller of its kind in Europe. Its author, Fernando de Rojas didn't get paid. When he died, his second son, got a value on the original manuscript as worth 'half a chicken'. More about the life and times of Rojas and how the 'play' was originally developed and presented, later.

What follows are some of the first lines that the character Celestina says during this first depicted drama in the famous, culturally very rich but overlooked Spanish play, with questionable morals. The range of her behaviors is astonishing.

Importunate:
"You come back here! Leave her be. She's livid and broody. Full of madness at your absence. It's been driving her out her right mind. She'll talk no end of nonsense. You come with me and we'll talk together. Don't let's allow time to pass for nothing."


Impertinent:
"Do you really want to know?"
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"It's a girl on order for a friar."
"And no, you can't have her too."
"Do you really insist on knowing? The fat one in charge of the monastery."
"We have to put up with everything. No one's ever rubbed your belly raw."
"Joker."

Opportunistic:
"Truncate the prelude and cut to the point, There's no profit in using many words to express something that can be said with a few. ... Well said. I'm with you altogether. I like the sound of your news. I like it the way a surgeon likes to hear of broken heads."

Conspiratorial, Resolute:
"I hear footsteps. They're coming down. Sempronio, make as if we haven't heard them. Listen well, Let me say what is good for you and good for me."
"Do not harass or importune me. For to overburden with care is uselessly to distress the overburdened beast. You so greatly feel for your master Callisto's distress it seems you are he and he is you. For the torments you describe have residence in one single heart, Believe me, I did not come here to leave this case go unresolved. I will resolve it or die in the attempt."

"Sempronio, if I could live off words I'd be a rich lady! Tell him to shut his mouth and open his purse."

The Pitch:
"The pleasure it gives me ... that we should have the opportunity for you to know the love I feel for you and the unmerited place you occupy in my heart. And I say unmerited, for what I have heard you murmuring, of which I take no notice, because virtue admonishes us to resist temptation and not repay evil with evil in return, especially when tempted by those of little instruction in the ways of the world, who with foolish and misplaced loyalty ruin their masters and their own selves, as you do now to Calisto. I hear you very clearly ... and do not imagine that in my old age I have lost my hearing nor my other external senses. For I know not only what I see and hear but also with my intellectual eyes I can penetrate even to the innermost soul. You must know ... that Calisto treads this earth suffering from love, and love is overmastering and conquers everything. ... that the person who truly loves needs must be disordered by the sweetness of sovereign delight...."





Sunday, March 22, 2015

Letter 16: From Alessandra Strozzi To Filippo Strozzi, In Naples: March 22, 1464

A letter from the house of Strozzi and the pen of Alessandra (1406-71), the mother to her elder son, Filippo (1428-91). It was the son that kept the letters received from his mother. He had been sent to Naples in the 1440's after Cosimo d'Medici had banned several members of his rival's house. There, in Naples Filippo had become a successful banker, wholesale merchant and eventually a statesman.

In 1464 his mother Alessandra sent him this letter (excerpted here) along with a young relative 'from a poorer branch of the family'.
"In the name of God, 22 March 1464.
I wrote to you on the 15th, by Francesco di Sandro Strozzi. I didn't answer yours of the 6th because I didn't have time; I'll answer in this letter.
Francesco will have arrived there by now, and you'll get a good look at him and see whether he looks like Nofri [Filippo's younger brother], which I don't think he does.  I've told him he has me to thank for his position with you and that if he does well, I will get the credit because I asked you to take him on. And if he doesn't behave well, I told him you will blame me but that it would be his loss and shame and he would be sent back here. He told me he meant to do me credit, and all the others as well. I'll be more than pleased if he does."

Along with this bit of matronly encouragement, couched in threat of punishment, four florins were sent as well. These, for the youth's expenses on the way to Naples, he would have to account to Filippo, when he got there.
"I do ask you to look after him, because his father has entrusted him to me; I said if he does well his deeds will speak for themselves."
It was fairly common for poorer families to send offspring to familial concerns in the cities, to learn a trade or find other suitable education or employment and hopeful advancement. Indeed, this seems to be one of those archetypal lives, one taken afar by circumstances, that populate any age. This trip to Naples made more sense even for a youth as young as fourteen, since the Strozzi name was stll currently out of favor - after twenty years - in Florence.

On Filippo's own reputation, his mother was watchful, if disdainful of the source of the current rumor, left unsaid.
"About the accusation I said had been made about you ... we have to keep in mind where it comes from, and I certainly hope that it's all lies, rather than the truth. If anyone says something which isn't true, may God let them see the light; we should be sorry for anyone like that. The truth always has its place. Do try to do the right and as you say, be sure of not doing wrong by anyone because you'll offend God, who sits in judgement over us. Our life in this world is so short we have to try to make sure we live in peace in the next life, which lasts forever.... the Bible says: "do unto others as you would have them do unto you." I know you already know what I am telling you, but I'm reminding you about it because you're my flesh and blood.... you should always do the right thing, in spite of the words of slanderers, and look after your immortal soul...."

Later:
"The plague has started up again here, but only a little and only among the laboring people. We keep a close eye on it and don't hear anything about it for fifteen days or so, but then it turns up again among the lower-class people. And while there's some risk involved in staying here, the citizens are staying, all the same. After Easter I'm sure everyone who has a country house in a healthy district will go and stay there. So we'll see what happens."

Alessandra names a couple places she could go if the plague returned again in Florence. News in Florence would be sent out all spring in her name as well as her thoughts on all manner of subjects.
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translated with notes by Heather Gregory: Selected Letters of Alessandra Strozzi : Bilingual Edition, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1997

Chaucer's Sir John, The Nun's Priest Tells A Distracting Tale of a Poor, Widow Woman

It was that rooster Chanticleer that Chaucer and his Nun's Priest went on at length about for the retelling of the much older tale of the fox and the chicken. They were found in the yard of 'a poor old widow/ In a small cottage, by a little meadow'. She had two daughters, three sows, three cows 'and a sheep named Molly.'  Still, 'enough to keep them going.'

Just a few lines here gives a pictorial sketch in place, subjects, activity. But very quickly this priest of a nun slips easily into a confiding, conversational listing, in this localized telling. Chaucer's Priest, Sir John, strings rhymed couplets among many personal, even intimate details of this widow's little world - her diet, fashions, means of production - before launching into the particularities of the rooster and his abode.

"Sooty her hall, her kitchen melancholy,
And there she ate full many a slender meal;
There was no sauce piquante to spice her veal,
 No dainty morsel ever passed her throat,
 According to her cloth she cut her coat."

How could he know, from descriptions of her plate and coat, the priest turns to appetite, attitude and activity.

"Repletion never left her in disquiet
And all her physic was a temperate diet,
Hard work for exercise and heart's content.
And rich man's gout did nothing to prev ent
Her dancing, apoplexy struck her not;
She drank no wine, nor white, nor red had got.
Her board was mostly served with white and black,
Milk and brown bread, in which she found no lack;
Broiled bacon or an egg or two were common,
She was in fact a sort of dairy-woman."

repletion: n. anything filled, sated; as in any vessel, appetite or state of being filled. From Old French replet(e) or Latin repletus , past participle of replere, from re- 'again, back' + plere 'to fill'.

It makes sense to see the 'rich man's disease' for what is still called acute purine arthritis, or gout. The medical dictionary says even today that dairy use can decrease chances of gout. But it didn't effect her dancing, or strike as apoplexy of the tongue.  Fruits, we are led to believe, of a 'temperate diet'.

The woman had a yard - 'a stockade enclosed in a big ditch' - and in it some chickens.
But wait. Is there any more of the life of this woman beyond setting? Does the widow ever speak to us? No. Will we learn at least about her daughters or the sheep that has more of a name than she? No. The story turns to the cheeky hero.
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Nevill Coghill was an Oxford English Lit Professor of the twentieth century - and who reached a wider audience than many - with his 1951 translation of Chaucer quoted and excerpted  here. He works it happily into a mid-century idiom that makes sense and captures the rolling rhythms of Chaucer easily. It was a bestseller for decades apparently. Here's a charming bit about him and his papers.

Saturday, March 21, 2015

news briefs, comments and an important birthday: March 20, 2015

It was about a year ago a number of quotes from Rabelais appeared here. This week, this year, they seem apt again in regard to the dominance shown for Isreali Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu by the media. Like Hurtaly that sat astride Noah's ark, A few weeks ago, Bibi came to the US and spoke before US Congress, but not with the President.

Then he continued, like Hurtaly steering Noah's ark with his feet, and listening to the people inside as Jupiter listened to Icaromenippus, thru the chimney... Bibi in Isreal campaigned before the elections, saying seemingly contradictory things.

This also generated attention for himself. The issue remains however about so many settlements in the West Bank and Jerusalem, all in lands that historically have been Palestine. Troublingly the effects of the bombing campaign by Isreal on Gaza over the last several months is largely left off the news-tickers or discussions in the west. Except on social media.
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This is how they work to limit sniper fire in Syria now?
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Also, nine days ago noted economist Paul Krugman made this observation:

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A great hour long documentary on Sister Rosetta Tharpe made by the BBC. {The glitch corrects around 12:40}. Here's a shorter clip:
"Didn't It Rain?" Sister Rosetta Tharpe in 1964:

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A reminder of what women did in the west 500 years ago and more.