Wednesday, October 31, 2018

spooky news Halloween 2018

On curbing this executrump's power:

It is the same thing all over again. Power will not hear opposing views, or even views they supposedly believe...
Amazing story made even more compelling in the lead up to next week's vote.
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Scary stuff. How yellow fever in New Orleans changed the city.
When people ask who will pay for it, go ahead, ask them,
The actual answer is surprising.
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Book movers in Southampton, England, 2018.
Unsealed documents from 44 years ago showing how compelling a district court's findings can be. Spooky!

Tuesday, October 30, 2018

Luther After Augsburg: late October 1518

Five hundred years ago Martin Luther was feeling very much alone.  A year before he had sent around those famous Theses which caused such cacophonous catalepsies across Christian Catholicism. Luther had quickly gained a reputation for talking shit. In October of 1518 he had travelled to Augsburg in order to reconcile his positions with those of the papal leadership in meetings held with Pope Leo's legate, cardinal Cajetan. Luther was called to recant again and again but Luther would not. By mid-month and the end of the discussions the legate was so incensed that he demanded Luther's superior Johann von Staupitz to restrain him. Instead Staupitz released Luther from his Augustinian vows and hence freed him from his various administrative responsibilities as well as those protections his office could offer.

So it seemed this meeting in Augsburg was Luther's last chance to defend himself, but more, to defend the mere proposal of discussing matters that the papacy held dear. The very notions of faith in the sacrament, of papal authority to decide this and, the very important authority in dispersal of, and disbursal from the sale of indulgences, were at stake. The picture had been made quite clear that regardless of any presented scriptural interpretation, Luther and his supporters must either be 'made whole' or be cast out. Luther was also quite clear that he would not back down.

In fact, he immediately sent out letters to his peers describing and explaining his justifications for his positions. According to our biographer Lyndal Roper:
"The letters, with their detailed narrative and quotation were designed to be read aloud, to entertain, to keep the Elector on side, and, crucially, to contradict Cajetan's version of the encounter. A month after the meeting, when the cardinal [Cajetan] presented his own account of events to Friedrich [the Elector of Saxony], Luther had already given his side of the story. He then set out to rebut Cajetan's version point for point. And whereas the cardinal's letter consisted of ten neat paragraphs and a postscript, composed in precise, classic Latin, Luther's response, five times as long, was written in verbose, emotional prose." [pp. 107-8]
Another thing Roper tells us that Luther did while in Augsburg was to have a notary record these discussions. Later these would be printed and sold 'to devastating effect'.
"His use of print was tactically brilliant. He knew exactly how to forestall censorship and protect his ideas by spreading them as widely as possible, each new work making yet another radical advance delivered to an audience that was hungry for more. The logic of the market and its craving for novelty was part of what propelled Luther's cause." [p.108]
But he had known since at least May of that year he might be courting danger, even martyrdom for his positions. And as the year went on, and the date of the meeting in October in Augsburg drew nearer, those fears grew greater and greater. He had travelled much that year from maintaining they were just ideas to be discussed, propositions for disputation as was common for scholastics and monks and ecclesiastic brethren then, to fretting that his position might endanger the lives of all the brethren that still supported him. Part of that distance he knew as the trailblazer, but he also knew that much damage could be done in the name of the scandal surrounding the issues that he could not support.

In March, supporters had grown so incensed with notables, such as, Johannes Tetzel penning counterarguments to the original Theses (of which there already were several varieties printed) that, Tetzel's own Positiones were burned in the market square of Wittenberg. Tetzel had a lucrative trade selling indulgences to miners in German lands. It was therefore in his best interest to protect these and even Luther felt terrible that 'the poor salesman' had his copy publicly destroyed, but Luther swore he had nothing to do with it. [p.85] It was in March as well that Erasmus had sent a copy of (at least some of) the Theses on to Thomas More in Britain, without comment.

Instead Luther realized he needed to and began to focus more on his own physical security, sending more letters to his friends and to the Elector, preparing for the trip south, warning them of what might be in store. In time he did gradually become more secure, not only that he felt he was right with his God, but that the whole region had been engulfed in the controversy. [p. 110]

Returning to Wittenberg by 31 October 1518, Luther sent the Acta Augustana, the notarized copy of the discussion with papal legate cardinal Cajetan in Augsburg off to the printer. For him, there was no turning back. In just a few more month's time, politics would rear its head and those priorities - the election of the next emporer - would hold precedence as the debate over indulgences continued to rage and spread.
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notes, quotes and pagination from Roper, Lyndal: Martin Luther: Renegade and Prophet; Random House, NY, 2017


Tuesday, October 16, 2018

French Claim to Milan: From Visconti to Valois Through Valentina

Gian Galeazzo Visconti (1351-1402) ruled Milan as its Duke (1385-1402) after taking the place by force of arms from Bernabo Visconti, his own uncle.  Formerly (and by 1378),  Gian Galeazzo had been Lord of Pavia and, eighteen years before that, on 08 October 1360, he was married by his parents, to Isabella the daughter of French King John II. This marriage was a treaty of some convenience between the House of Valois and that of the Visconti in North Italy. Young Gian was nine and Isabella eleven years old.

The times were full of grave uncertainty. People and rats and fleas with plague spread and killed each other wildly across Europe in those days. Smartest policies revolved around securing earlier marriages in order to unite the nobles with those available families that were aspiring but who also seemed capable. The process was to mix bloodlines and share resources in order to outlast the ravages of plague that only very few could completely avoid.

Only one of Gian Galeozzo and Isabella's children reached adulthood. Her name was Valentina born in Milan in 1371. Her mother Isabella died in the next couple years, but her father continued to dote on little Valentina. A Princess that grew up in Pavia she became the Duchess of Milan. Her father searched all over for a suitable partner for his princess. Her dowry would be rich if there were no male heirs, including Asti and Milan. At last Gian agreed to let her go to her mother's House of Valois. A young Louis d'Orleans was selected to partner the princess who already was Duke of Tourraine and called Count of Valois, and he too was just a teenager. A papal dispensation had to be arranged (they were cousins), and the agreement was signed in January 1387, in Valentina's sixteenth year. Only after Gian Galeazzo himself felt secure did he allow his daughter to leave town. It was then she would move to Paris.

Later on, this Louis became Count of Blois and Soissons, but through the 1390's he had to spend most of his time thwarting attacks from Jean, the Duke of Burgundy. Another set of stories. Valentina would bear him eight children and at thirty-seven years old, survive her husband by a year and a month. Four of their children would survive into adulthood.

Meanwhile, Gian Galeozzo, rather than fight with his uncle (who had fifteen heirs), agreed to marry one of his cousins, the daughter Katerina in the Bernabo Visconti line. She bore Gian two sons both of which would in succession become Duke in Milan. Gian himself would die in 1402. Valentina's step-brothers were called both mad and cruel but despite or because of the many attempts against them, would gain fame in Milan for their tyrannical behavior. Valentina did not outlast the younger step-brothers but, three of her children did.

One of these, Charles, would become Duke d'Orleans and Valois, a poet in captivity and, later, Lord of Coucy. He fought at Agincourt in 1415 where he was captured by the English, who then kept him imprisoned for twenty-five years. When he returned to France (in 1440), he took time to marry Marie de Cleves and they had three children. She was interesting, too. One of these children, that she bore the aged Charles, in 1462 (when Charles was sixty-eight years old), would become another Louis Duke of Orleans and then, in 1498, Louis XII, King of all of France. It was in this way that eighty-nine years after she died, Valentina would become the grandmother of a French King.

Much of this came from Guicciardini's History of Italy in the period chronicling 1498.