Friday, December 14, 2018

Luther's Advancement From Monastery to University

In a previous look, Lyndal Roper showed us where (and a bit on how) those who set out to afford the University at Wittenburg did it. This section will look a bit at what Luther's busy life and the newly humanist culture of the collegiate atmosphere there was like.

Rapidly, Martin Luder ascended the hierarchy of the Augustinian monastery in Erfurt. First elected subdeacon, then deacon, he was then selected to teach at the new University in Wittenberg (1508-09). After this stint in lecturing on philosophy and theology, he returned to Erfurt for two more years and there received new positions at the monastery. Here he took on many roles, as a prior, a vicar, a preacher, a lecturer, a reader. Even the tender of fish in a certain pond, thereby maintaining a legacy of a previous donor.
"Erfurt was a prosperous monastery, and it had many properties to administer. Luther learned how to ensure that debts were paid, annual dues delivered, and the monastery provisioned.... Luther might gripe about the administrative burdens, but he clearly relished the intellectual work, and he was evidently good at managing people and organizing, skills he may have picked up from his father. He could be firm, too." [p.47]
In this period (roughly 1505-11), Luther's rector, confessor, and mentor was Johann von Staupitz, who recommended Luther get his doctorate in theology. Luther, as a young, pious, even unhealthily ascetic aspirant, later told the story, he didn't think at the time he'd live that long. But, he said it was Staupitz who had told him, on one of their talks out under the tree in Erfurt that God needed clever people both in heaven and on earth. Whether the right encouragement at the right time, or the right motivations set out plainly in front of him, he pressed on.

This doctoral task was finished by 1512 but, at 28, Luther's life then got more problematic. At a moderate doctoral, celebratory party after his advancement (as was typical of their time, too), his former teachers and cohorts back in Erfurt, where he had spent most of the previous decade, began to be outspokenly critical of him and his work. He would take it as a great wound but sharpened that grief into acumen, raising the bar of his ecclesiastic disagreements. [p.55]

Then at Wittenberg, Luther, with his new title and position had to also develop himself as a public persona. He cultivated friendships with 'intellectuals, printers, and artists', like Louis Cranach, and the mayor Hans Crapp, even the goldsmith Christian Döring. As a district vicar he had to manage and administrate personnel matters, in promoting people or transferring them to other offices. With his advancement again in 1515 to district vicar he oversaw eleven priories. Firing people or demotions and promotions became a regular part of the job. [pp.72-3]
"One of his first acts after he became district vicar in 1515 was to appoint his old companion and fellow monk Johannes Lang to be prior at Erfurt. A humanist and close friend... followed him from Erfurt to Wittenberg in 1511. Sending him back not only helped a friend; it also stamped Luther's authority on his former community....[He] advised him to keep a budget, noting down all income and expenditure, so that he could work out "whether the convent is more of a monastery than a tavern or inn" -- a strategy not likely to smooth his friend's path." [p.73]
At Wittenberg, Luther studied theology. He lectured on Psalms, Hebrews, Galatians, he translated a few of the Penitential Psalms. For these, Roper tells, he drew from Jerome's old Latin texts, and with reference to the Hebrew text of Johannes Reuchlin, a contemporary humanist. There were other knowledgable peers that Luther surrounded himself with at Wittenberg as well. Andreas Karlstadt conferred Luther's doctoral degree on to him and, early on, strongly disagreed with him. But, in time, and despite such vitriol as they would receive, Karlstadt became a strong supporter. The professor of law there, Hieronymous Schurff was just two years older than Martin. Wenzeslaus Linck gained his doctorate the year before Luther and then became prior at Wittenberg for those crucial years of 1511-15.

In the years 1517-18, as Luther lectured on Hebrews, and Karlstadt on Augustine, the turning away from the old scholastic traditions which for centuries had vaunted and maintained Aquinas, Duns Scotus and Aristotle, as staples in the scholastic monastic traditions in German lands, had also begun. The returning to Christian sources, and other sources was at last happening in south German lands, too.  A textual criticism that was also, as they said borne by their faith, by their conviction that this was what their God told them. This was the renaissance that Luther and his peers began to see and believe and spread.

A student in 1517, Franz Günter, devised a set of defenses or answers for Luther's disputations against scholasticism. And they were even more scandalous and far reaching than Luther's own famous set in 1517.[p.81]  Wasn't this what they wanted? After all, they could crow, it was just these sorts of advancements, along with things like the project that Erasmus of Rotterdam had to spread his new translations from the Greek, as 'a return to original and classical sources', that upset and excited so many. And because they were seen as attacks on ... clerical authority.

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notes, quotes and pagination from Roper, Lyndal: Martin Luther: Renegade and Prophet; Random House, NY, 2017

Friday, November 16, 2018

Piketty: Capital, introduced

oh yeah, the books:
almost in a whisper, 'Ever since I can remember doing it, I knew there would never be enough time to read all the books I wanted to...'.

This time it started as a desire to generate dialogue about economics, of all things.

I had picked up a short monograph on Double-Entry bookeeping.

Impressed with the elegance of the basic idea, that is, to 'show the measures', the changes, in a ledger, both the costs and benefits separately, I then wanted to share this lens. And the idea appealed to me that the first published (and thus first widely-distributed and, therefore, duplicated) text was what was being discussed here. This idea appealed because there already was another digestible yet nutritious book regarding economics on my to-do list.

Capital In The Twenty-First Century got my attention through the news of its publication in English in 2014. I could not afford to purchase this book until 2015 and did not start reading it in earnest until a number of other projects could at first be finished. 2018 was that year and I hope to have it done by this same year's end.

A couple years ago I had read the introduction and shelved it. This year I picked it up again and then made a habit of it. The first 270 pages tell what the book means to show, how it will go about that, what it cannot talk about with any degree of clarity or certainty, and, what basic principles it will use and how the author will apply them, while shedding folklore and biases along the way.

To talk about Capital and income and labor and inequalities of distribution he goes back, in a few cases centuries, in order to show broad macroeconomic trends. Two basic principles involve how national income is broadly calculated. They also show how simple the concepts are here, how simple the math is, but how broad they must be to make these comparisons between countries and eras. An annual estimation, for instance, of national income of a country is figured by simply multiplying the country's capital/income ratio by the national rate of return on investment. Another basic principle, described as the second fundamental law of capitalism figures that the capital/income ratio over the long term - a century or more - can be simply calculated as the ratio of the savings rate divided by the growth rate.

Piketty describes his terms, states his questions, acknowledges the gaps in data and gives real world examples of what it all means, but it takes 190 pages to get him to the present. Then he has to break down the similarities, subtleties and vagueries between capital and labor, as these overlap depending on whose banksheet you look at.

Since the preponderance of data of national economies comes from Britain, France and the US, he is able to compare and contrast those to a greater extent. But of course he goes on to great length describing emerging economies as well, many of which we simply don't have cumulative enough data before the 20th century.

Piketty comes to a couple startling conclusions. Central to these are the widely accepted bits of conventional wisdom that economic inequality is globally getting worse and that there's no top end in sight without some major disruption. One of these points that he thinks is driving the massive inequalities in the leading economic players as well as in the emerging world is the increase in what he calls supermanagers who are receiving greater and greater amounts in compensation. This basic point not only makes sense but is supported by the data.

Another point he gets to half way thru the book is that in capitalism, the rate of return on invested capital, over the long term, becomes greater than the growth rate of the economies upon which they thrive. This he calls the primary reason in agrarian societies for hyperconcentrated wealth inequality. This then becomes the basis for the greater expansion of inequality in later industrial and post-industrial global economies. This also makes sense and is shown clearly in the comprehensive French records of the various kinds of capital and taxes, including estate taxes of various sorts.

If this all seems very dry it is meant to, as it's not controversial. There are, however, other popular narratives that aren't borne out by the data that among other things aim to do away with taxes for the very wealthy and aim to increase disparities, despite the dangers that these tactics have long been known to instigate. He cautions again and again though that the data of all sets is not complete, that models of whatever kind have their frailties, that misapplication or, misplacing data sets have all typically been the norm in analyses.

But we can know enough to see inequalities indeed exist today, that these today are not worse (yet) than those seen a hundred years ago in France, just before WWI. That the World Wars wracked the west economically, that tax policy in the US and Europe and the buying and holding of assets after WWII (in Europe primarily) also utterly changed the dynamic, reducing inequalities through much of the rest of the twentieth century.

In the eleventh chapter he goes on to tackle the concepts of merit and inheritance like this:
"The overall importance of capital today ... is not very different from what it was in the eighteenth century. Only its form has changed: capital was once mainly land but is now industrial, financial, and real estate.  ... the concentration of wealth remains high... [t]he poorest half still owns nothing, but there is now a patrimonial middle class that owns between a quarter and a third of total wealth... [and] that the relative movements of the return on capital and the rate of growth of the economy... can explain many of the observed changes, including the logic of accumulation...." [p.377]

He continually reminds that such changes as those in population, life-expectancy, migration, education levels, etc. directly change and influence economies on a broad and long scale. But the structure of wealth accumulation comes through labor or inheritance. How much of either of these do the wealthiest endure? After all these depend on social structures: are there jobs, does the state collect taxes? So, Piketty looks at 'Inheritance flows over time'. Once the reader gets into it things get very interesting. And Arthur Goldhammer makes everything in translation clear as day.
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Piketty, Thomas: Capital In The 21st Century, translated Arthur Goldhammer; Belknap,Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA 2014

Thursday, November 8, 2018

White House news early November 2018

The news came frightfully fast yesterday, 07 November.

Once the precinct reports of ballot tallies began pouring in Tuesday night (06 Nov) it was clear the tidal wave of democratic wins was not as strong everywhere as many hoped.

Held every two years on the first Tuesday of November, midterm elections happen in the middle of the regular four-year presidential term of office in the U.S. This other, non-presidential, but national election is also seen as the result of the voting populace reflecting on the performance of that office-holder just under two years in, belaying its consequent mood of approval or disapproval of that office. I am being pedantic and methodical in laying this out here but the context is so important. Things just got a lot hotter in the White House.

Twenty years ago many Americans (and wherever else the show got syndicated) watched the television show COPS. It was so ubiquitous in households then that the show's jingle entered common parlance. It was a show anyone could understand and popularly featured dumb criminals. Criminals who weren't very skilled playing out their stupid endeavors on camera right before they got caught gathered an audience that cheered on law enforcement and made mockery of those many dumb criminals.

As it turns out today's news went quickly off the rails. Of course there were the usual, expected tallying and broadcasting of vote outcomes in the various states across the country to the also usual analysis of those collective outcomes and what that may mean for the functioning of our legislative branch of our government. In the morning we were told we could expect a press conference at the White House with the President on the outcomes of these races as well. This too is not uncommon in the last several decades.

Not surprisingly the expected next Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi made a public statement extending her wish to work in a bipartisan manner with the new and existing members of Congress and with the office of the President. And the President himself echoed the sentiment in a tweet, a form of communication typical for this office-holder.

The news media at large continued as it does on such days as expected. There were the usual difficulties of the counting and the polling of large numbers of people in various places and there were the many expectations set out by different groups about who would do well or who might not. There were also many unusual irregularities as well, especially in Florida, Georgia, and Texas. These stories will continue with special elections in Georgia and perhaps recounts in Florida , or Texas.

The president had spent time over the last several weeks visiting places and publicly praising candidates that he thought he could work with. None of those seemed to do very well. But the President even priased a member of the opposing party, Senator Manchin of West Virginia, a state where the resident had held rallies in this year.

It came time for the press conference in the White House, this time held in the East Room which often means the President will speak. The President arrived who gave a statement and answered some questions. It had been reported he was in a good mood. His body language told a different story. Leaning forward, hands often on the podium, he showed himself as both aggressive and defensive.

When asked if he believed whether bipartisanship with the opposing party were possible after these elections and the consequent reshaping of the Congressional body, the President said there would be a good chance for that. But when asked if he would have to compromise in the event that subpoenas were sent to the WH demanding information of the many investigations that stretch back from before he came to office, the President said in that event ,then, "... government grinds to a halt and I would blame them." But then he reiterated his hope for chances to work together on common goals.

The next reporter asked about the long-term job security of the AG and the Deputy Attorney General, the President said he'd talk about that later. Then, he was asked if there was a chance of a government shutdown as the WH previously had threatened, based on the lack of funding for his proposed border wall with Mexico. The President didn't seem to think so as he continues to think such a wall is still a popular idea. Which in isolation is odd.

Reporter Yamiche Alcindor of PBS asked when called on if he thought that calling himself a nationalist on recent campaign rallies didn't embolden white nationalists.
This clearly incensed the President as he commented, 'That's such a racist question."

But the most widely distributed news that came out of this press conference with the POTUS just after the national midterm elections was the heated exchange with Jim Acosta of CNN. Both before and after a WH aide tried to take away Mr. Acosta's microphone this reporter was trying to ask if the President was demonizing immigrants by calling them an invasion. This was referring to the great number of walking migrants south of the border known as 'the Caravan', which he and his supporters spent a great deal of breath hammering on in the runup to these elections.
Since then the opposing factions for and against the President have been spending much of the day and night spreading their reactions - and with different videos - to this exchange with some calling it violent and others  an affront on free speech. Later that day the WH revoked the reporter's pass that lets him in to WH for these briefings. This increased the rancor on both sides of course.

Then came news that Jeff Sessions, the Administration's Attorney General, had been asked to resign. He complied supposedly at the insistence of WH Chief of Staff General John Kelly.
For many watching, this is the part of the show where the criminal tries to hide the evidence of crimes just before they get caught. But in this case, it is the President of the United States that is getting rid of the boss of all the investigators, AG Jeff Sessions, in order to replace him for now with a loyal placement holder.

The problems however, with Mr Whitaker that temporary replacement, are many. Not least of which involves him previously publicly saying he would end the Mueller Special Counsel Investigations into Trump's campaign dealings. There is a worry - because they've talked about it publicly - that this president, who has made his opposition to this investigation well known, wants to end this investigation in any way he can legitimate. Many think this is obstruction of justice in hiring a loyal partisan who has not been vetted by Congress.

Then last night another mass shooting. This time in Thousand Oaks, CA.
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Before the elections, Late Show comedian Stephen Colbert, playing America's weirdly delightful performance uncle broke into song. Accurately and depressingly captures a national mood.

Friday, November 2, 2018

Premise of Convent Chronicles, notes

"... the past reads differently according to whether one is examining texts by dominant or by subordinate groups and whether the texts are external or internal records."

Jennifer Summit shows how "... the "woman writer" was constructed by male authors, editors, translators, and printers and defined by her very "exteriority" to literary tradition as being absent or lost."

Anne Winston-Allen shows that "..."convent women" have been constructed by external authorities and sources as absent in the sense of silent, marginal, and walled-off from society. Nuns' writings, however, show that these women were intimately involved.... Neither were they silent. Substantial numbers of still almost completely unknown works by women produced in Dutch- and German- speaking regions exist and need to be taken into account."

"... the visionary mode, so often regarded as medieval women's primary manner of self-expression, was not the only kind of writing in which women engaged." [p. xiv]

In particular, examples of the agency of women can be found.

"The texts they left behind illustrate the relation between authority and text production by women. Like mystical and visionary works that conferred power or sister-books that represented social strategies, historical writings and chronicles are also political. Reform chronicles comprise a literary sub-genre that was both generated  by the reform and at the same time constitutive of it, seeking to validate, construct, and perpetuate the Observance." [p. xv]

Anne Winston-Allen wants to show how the shift to a vernacular language allowed more women to 'join in and affect the nature' of contemporary religious discussion. For example, she says women were the largest audience and chief transmitters of sermons in the vernacular and that previously this has gone 'largely unnoticed'. This presence, these faces who were on the stage amidst, and sometimes driving, the changes were people whose record Winston-Allen wants reintegrated into the broader historical record of their culture.

Beyond the preface our author does just this. In her introduction she looks briefly at sources.
"Produced in fifty-two different women's communities... besides the Emmerich text, two other books of sisters, twelve women's cloister chronicles, five foundation narratives, six accounts by nuns of the reform of convents, plus numerous other annals and historical writings." 
Of these she says four were written in Latin while all the rest in their native German or 'East Netherland' vernacular. The houses themselves that counted among the earliest were those Congregations of the Common Life practicing their self-styled devotio moderno. The numbers of these female houses reached nearly three times as many as the male houses in Dutch lands even thru the fifteenth century. The numbers of female religious in German lands is also remarkaby large.
But she says these were largely ignored in scholarly communities until as recently as 1985. [p.2]

While little is known about what these women did in their actual lives there is ample evidence that exists that could still be explored. While Winston-Allen has Jeffrey Hamburger point out how especially North American scholars have neglected these regions, times and lives there are a few more of French, Italian and English nuns.
"Women were, for example, active participants alongside men in the reform movement that swept the German-speaking areas in the fifteenth century. They left behind accounts that offer a different perspective on the struggle for renewal and reform on the eve of the Reformation. Consequently, to fully understand the dynamics of change that resulted in the radical religious upheavals of the Protestant Reformation in the sixteenth century, those records require further study."
While others say that a narrative that leaves out half a population must be seen as incomplete at best, our author says the "... task now is to rewrite the action with faces, names and fist-hand accounts from the women ..." who have their "own histories and works...". [p.3]

Women reformers and chroniclers were there in the many Observant houses and the conflicts with Conventuals within the Franciscans, Dominicans and Augustinians. But of course they were also on the Conventual side. [p.7]

In her first chapter she says she will review sources. Chapter two looks at how the environment for 'women religious changed' 13th-16th centuries. Following that she looks at those for the change in Observance while chapter four highlights those against, the Conventuals. This was one of few central divisive issues that drove many of the other changes in communities and people's religious practices and understandings across Europe. Chapter five she brings light to what she calls the explosion of scribal activity among women of the period. The sixth chapter looks at their various strategies in exercising power in their world.

The result is a broad and inclusive platfrorm providing suitable context, many voices, excerpts to provide solid grounding as well as over fifty pages of copious notes, and a daunting forty-five page bibliography as an aid for more needed research.  She succeeds for an English audience in the US where others have not and at 75 years old, teaches German and Medieval Literature at Southern Illinois University in Carbondale, Illinois.
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all quotes and pagination from paperback edition of,
Winston-Allen, Anne: Convent Chronicles: Women Writing About Women and Reform in the Late Middle Ages;  Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, Pennsylvania; 2004


Wednesday, October 31, 2018

spooky news Halloween 2018

On curbing this executrump's power:

It is the same thing all over again. Power will not hear opposing views, or even views they supposedly believe...
Amazing story made even more compelling in the lead up to next week's vote.
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Scary stuff. How yellow fever in New Orleans changed the city.
When people ask who will pay for it, go ahead, ask them,
The actual answer is surprising.
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Book movers in Southampton, England, 2018.
Unsealed documents from 44 years ago showing how compelling a district court's findings can be. Spooky!

Tuesday, October 30, 2018

Luther After Augsburg: late October 1518

Five hundred years ago Martin Luther was feeling very much alone.  A year before he had sent around those famous Theses which caused such cacophonous catalepsies across Christian Catholicism. Luther had quickly gained a reputation for talking shit. In October of 1518 he had travelled to Augsburg in order to reconcile his positions with those of the papal leadership in meetings held with Pope Leo's legate, cardinal Cajetan. Luther was called to recant again and again but Luther would not. By mid-month and the end of the discussions the legate was so incensed that he demanded Luther's superior Johann von Staupitz to restrain him. Instead Staupitz released Luther from his Augustinian vows and hence freed him from his various administrative responsibilities as well as those protections his office could offer.

So it seemed this meeting in Augsburg was Luther's last chance to defend himself, but more, to defend the mere proposal of discussing matters that the papacy held dear. The very notions of faith in the sacrament, of papal authority to decide this and, the very important authority in dispersal of, and disbursal from the sale of indulgences, were at stake. The picture had been made quite clear that regardless of any presented scriptural interpretation, Luther and his supporters must either be 'made whole' or be cast out. Luther was also quite clear that he would not back down.

In fact, he immediately sent out letters to his peers describing and explaining his justifications for his positions. According to our biographer Lyndal Roper:
"The letters, with their detailed narrative and quotation were designed to be read aloud, to entertain, to keep the Elector on side, and, crucially, to contradict Cajetan's version of the encounter. A month after the meeting, when the cardinal [Cajetan] presented his own account of events to Friedrich [the Elector of Saxony], Luther had already given his side of the story. He then set out to rebut Cajetan's version point for point. And whereas the cardinal's letter consisted of ten neat paragraphs and a postscript, composed in precise, classic Latin, Luther's response, five times as long, was written in verbose, emotional prose." [pp. 107-8]
Another thing Roper tells us that Luther did while in Augsburg was to have a notary record these discussions. Later these would be printed and sold 'to devastating effect'.
"His use of print was tactically brilliant. He knew exactly how to forestall censorship and protect his ideas by spreading them as widely as possible, each new work making yet another radical advance delivered to an audience that was hungry for more. The logic of the market and its craving for novelty was part of what propelled Luther's cause." [p.108]
But he had known since at least May of that year he might be courting danger, even martyrdom for his positions. And as the year went on, and the date of the meeting in October in Augsburg drew nearer, those fears grew greater and greater. He had travelled much that year from maintaining they were just ideas to be discussed, propositions for disputation as was common for scholastics and monks and ecclesiastic brethren then, to fretting that his position might endanger the lives of all the brethren that still supported him. Part of that distance he knew as the trailblazer, but he also knew that much damage could be done in the name of the scandal surrounding the issues that he could not support.

In March, supporters had grown so incensed with notables, such as, Johannes Tetzel penning counterarguments to the original Theses (of which there already were several varieties printed) that, Tetzel's own Positiones were burned in the market square of Wittenberg. Tetzel had a lucrative trade selling indulgences to miners in German lands. It was therefore in his best interest to protect these and even Luther felt terrible that 'the poor salesman' had his copy publicly destroyed, but Luther swore he had nothing to do with it. [p.85] It was in March as well that Erasmus had sent a copy of (at least some of) the Theses on to Thomas More in Britain, without comment.

Instead Luther realized he needed to and began to focus more on his own physical security, sending more letters to his friends and to the Elector, preparing for the trip south, warning them of what might be in store. In time he did gradually become more secure, not only that he felt he was right with his God, but that the whole region had been engulfed in the controversy. [p. 110]

Returning to Wittenberg by 31 October 1518, Luther sent the Acta Augustana, the notarized copy of the discussion with papal legate cardinal Cajetan in Augsburg off to the printer. For him, there was no turning back. In just a few more month's time, politics would rear its head and those priorities - the election of the next emporer - would hold precedence as the debate over indulgences continued to rage and spread.
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notes, quotes and pagination from Roper, Lyndal: Martin Luther: Renegade and Prophet; Random House, NY, 2017


Tuesday, October 16, 2018

French Claim to Milan: From Visconti to Valois Through Valentina

Gian Galeazzo Visconti (1351-1402) ruled Milan as its Duke (1385-1402) after taking the place by force of arms from Bernabo Visconti, his own uncle.  Formerly (and by 1378),  Gian Galeazzo had been Lord of Pavia and, eighteen years before that, on 08 October 1360, he was married by his parents, to Isabella the daughter of French King John II. This marriage was a treaty of some convenience between the House of Valois and that of the Visconti in North Italy. Young Gian was nine and Isabella eleven years old.

The times were full of grave uncertainty. People and rats and fleas with plague spread and killed each other wildly across Europe in those days. Smartest policies revolved around securing earlier marriages in order to unite the nobles with those available families that were aspiring but who also seemed capable. The process was to mix bloodlines and share resources in order to outlast the ravages of plague that only very few could completely avoid.

Only one of Gian Galeozzo and Isabella's children reached adulthood. Her name was Valentina born in Milan in 1371. Her mother Isabella died in the next couple years, but her father continued to dote on little Valentina. A Princess that grew up in Pavia she became the Duchess of Milan. Her father searched all over for a suitable partner for his princess. Her dowry would be rich if there were no male heirs, including Asti and Milan. At last Gian agreed to let her go to her mother's House of Valois. A young Louis d'Orleans was selected to partner the princess who already was Duke of Tourraine and called Count of Valois, and he too was just a teenager. A papal dispensation had to be arranged (they were cousins), and the agreement was signed in January 1387, in Valentina's sixteenth year. Only after Gian Galeazzo himself felt secure did he allow his daughter to leave town. It was then she would move to Paris.

Later on, this Louis became Count of Blois and Soissons, but through the 1390's he had to spend most of his time thwarting attacks from Jean, the Duke of Burgundy. Another set of stories. Valentina would bear him eight children and at thirty-seven years old, survive her husband by a year and a month. Four of their children would survive into adulthood.

Meanwhile, Gian Galeozzo, rather than fight with his uncle (who had fifteen heirs), agreed to marry one of his cousins, the daughter Katerina in the Bernabo Visconti line. She bore Gian two sons both of which would in succession become Duke in Milan. Gian himself would die in 1402. Valentina's step-brothers were called both mad and cruel but despite or because of the many attempts against them, would gain fame in Milan for their tyrannical behavior. Valentina did not outlast the younger step-brothers but, three of her children did.

One of these, Charles, would become Duke d'Orleans and Valois, a poet in captivity and, later, Lord of Coucy. He fought at Agincourt in 1415 where he was captured by the English, who then kept him imprisoned for twenty-five years. When he returned to France (in 1440), he took time to marry Marie de Cleves and they had three children. She was interesting, too. One of these children, that she bore the aged Charles, in 1462 (when Charles was sixty-eight years old), would become another Louis Duke of Orleans and then, in 1498, Louis XII, King of all of France. It was in this way that eighty-nine years after she died, Valentina would become the grandmother of a French King.

Much of this came from Guicciardini's History of Italy in the period chronicling 1498.

Wednesday, August 29, 2018

Women Make The Changes: Death of Charles VIII &Accession of Louis XII

For Europe, the death of French King Charles VIII was perhaps the largest and most far-reaching of the numerous shocks of 1498. At the ripe age of 27 while residing at his family's Orleans estate in Amboise, the place where he grew up, the King of France hit the top of a door with his head. Rushing off to a tennis match, he hit a door lintel, and then, continued on his way. After the match he fell into a coma and died nine hours later. He had no heirs.

Charles' young queen, now widow Anne of Brittany, as heir to the recovered state of Brittany, was suddenly left without a clear line to maintain her power at court, except through some new marriage.  Charles' dear older sister Anne de Beaujeu had been his regent when he was a minor, and she might have answers. But she had retreated to administer Bourbon lands since 1491, and could only suggest to Charles' widow that she had better find a Valois close enough in the lineage of that same illustrious family. And he better be close enough to Charles if she hoped to stay in orbit. The young widow was 21 years old.

Amazingly she did, and by August 19, of 1498, she agreed to marry this Valois, the Duke of Orleans, if he could get his prior engagement to Joan (the true sister of both Charles and Anne Beaujeu) annulled. This involved petitioning the pope, Roderigo de Borgia. And so it was. In the same month, letters went out to the various sovereigns including those of Spain and England looking for peace treaties. Spain and England had been working thru the intermediary, the protonotary Ayala and was securing greater and greater security with each other. Henry VII in England wanted assurances that France would not help Scotland, and from Scotland that they would not receive help from France. A peaceful region would be necessary if King Henry VII of England wanted to grow trade and the tarriffs found in that activity.

In Paris, this Louis d'Orleans was eight years older than the just deceased King, but had come from a lesser line of the Valois family. He himself had tried to unseat Charles VIII during his regency, an uprising harnessing energies of other notables which was later termed 'The Mad War'. But that had been quashed by Charles' big sister Anne Beaujeu. Louis was captured, 'tried' and imprisoned until his wife, Joan of Berry, sister to Anne, who, loyal to Louis and her vows to him, faithful in her Christian love of Christ and Mary, and well-educated, if physically deformed, pled her case to let Louis go. Here's a link to wikipedia links on these sisters. And so he was. In time, Louis later served well under Charles on his invasion to Italy, and among many things, had seen at close hand the weaknesses of the forces, if not the states of Italy. Their soldiers could die and get tired just like French ones.

Anne of Brittany and Louis d'Orleans would marry and have nine children. Only two of these would survive birth. The first one, Claude, became the wife of Francis I: she would become the next Queen consort for France. But Anne, despite leaving to pick the administrators who would take charge of Brittany in her absence, and despite all the other changes (she had lost six pregnancies while married to Charles, in less than six years), she would not be crowned with a ceremony to Louis as queen until 1504. Louis and Anne would be buried together at Basilique Saint-Denis.

Crucially, Louis d'Orleans, though of a 'lesser line', could rightly claim an inheritance of suzerainty over Milan through his grandmother Valentina Visconti.

Friday, August 24, 2018

news August 2018

Paul Manafort, former campaign manager for Donald J Trump, in his first of two trials, this one held in US District Criminal Court in Alexandria, VA, was found guilty of numerous charges.
But, the cover of the 'paper of record' next day prioritized the other big story of that day:

Still after another particularly explosive day in very damaging revelations for the Trump Administration, Michael Cohen's own lawyer underscores just how defiantly his client has turned.
And the next day, with the announcement that the CEO of the National Enquirer's parent company David Pecker has secret tapes and paperwork detailing past 'deals' with Donald J Trump & associates, the news all morning was splattered with bad dick jokes.
So many people are scratching their heads wondering just what is going on?
Numerous unnecessary tragedies grip the country's conscience.
While still, some maintain there is a better way to run government.
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Meanwhile this still happens, even in Israel as elsewhere.
Worst floods in a century in the Indian State of Kerala.

For those who would contain them, another migrant crisis spills out into the international news.

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The latest cover of Time magazine.

Thursday, August 23, 2018

Early days of Luca Pacioli: 1445-1486

Luca Pacioli came from Sansepolcro, in central Italy. Lying in the uplands of the Tiber River, this little town was founded by pilgrims bringing back fragments from the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. A dream told them to build a church on the very spot in order to house the relics they'd stolen. And so it was, and by 1012 a new abbey was built on the site. The town over centuries grew up around this, and nestled in gentler flanks of the Appenines, this little gorgeous space also found itself a prize of strategic importance.

To the west was Arezzo, and farther was Florence. To the north across the back ridge of Appenine mountains lay the route to Rimini and Ravenna which were very often held thru medieval times as papal holdings. The fifteenth century was no different. Behind that lay Venice in its lagoon. To the south lay Perugia and past that Rome herself.

Five years before Pacioli was born, in 1442, armed papal forces of Eugenius IV, in the battle of Anghieri, beat those of Milan. Thereupon this pope sold Sansepolcro to Florence. Ten years before (1427), a previous pope had purchased the town by legitimising a couple illegitimate sons of the Malatesta family. Just thirty years before that still another pope had sold the place to an earlier Malatesta generation who were then the rulers in Rimini. Thus, years later, by selling Florence the town, a favor was seen as being granted in the additional security this gave to Florence, and to its Medici rulers, by this pope.

It must be hard to remember that math didn't really arrive in Europe outside a few elite purveyors, until the fifteenth century. That widespread dispersal came with the printing press. Merchants used such systems, tax-collectors too, and certainly the good bankers. But it was a specialist's game, fixed in abstract terms like 'figures' and 'sums' - things that may have well been foreign commodities. Scarce and widely prized, yet misunderstood. Luca Pacioli is remembered these days as one of the earliest to make a book for humanists in the vernacular about maths. He did that in Venice as his time dictated and, appropriately as well, he gave us the first real tract on financial accounting.

There were earlier examples as Jane Gleeson-White tells us in her monograph Double-Entry (published in 2011 by WW Norton & Co. for the English language). For example, she spends a few paragraphs on the nature of typical (but, and also, crucially well-documented) examples of actual accounting records as these were used and kept in Venice by one Jacomo Badoer. He used Hindu-Arabic numerals, as well as the ledger style of rows of lists of goods and prices, investments and returns.
"Badoer was a nobleman who for over three years ran a commercial venture in Constantinople, the meeting place of the trade routes of Europe and Asia, trading for himself and as an agent for Venetian merchants.... The dangers of sea travel ... led to the development of maritime insurance, an industry new in Badoer's day and one into which he ventured. Charging a premium of 3 to 19 percent (depending on the risk factor), Badoer suffered only one insurance loss over three years, a testament to the protection provided by the Venetian navy to its merchants."
Badoer's record was written from 1436 - 1439 but gives example of the various kinds of  goods, capital and credit, and their accounting. Pacioli would improve on these and publish it in a book on math for a wider audience.

All we know of Luca Pacioli's earliest beginnings is that the young Luca was taken in probably around 1460 by a local merchant in Sansepolcro who was named Folco de' Belfolci. A new math had been promoted in Italy from the thirteenth century, with the adaptation and teaching of Fibonacci's Arab-Hindu math lettering and systems. Merchants picked up these methods, and a hundred years before Pacioli there were six schools of this math in Florence alone. But lucky (and unlucky) for him, when Luca Pacioli came of age, the leading name about town was none other than Piero della Francesco, known for his painting, but also his understanding of math and other things like optics. By 1464 the young Pacioli left Sansepolcro to teach abbaco math in the big city of Venice, the nearest world entrepot. Here he went to school and taught and studied finance and accounting.

Quickly, Pacioli devoloped a system for accounting that was modeled on these years of study and practice in Venice. This system, also lucky for him, became the European model of accountancy, and specifically, double-entry book-keeping, upon which all others since have been built. But unluckily, he wouldn't gain credit for all this til rather recently. This was because Piero della Francesco far outshone messer Pacioli in mere repute over the subsequent generations. More on that later. It must have been in these years that Pacioli had found a copy of Fibonacci's Liber Abaci and at some point translated big chunks of it into Italian for his students.

Yet it was this same Pacioli who set in motion here in Venice his 'editions' of tutorials for mathematics. By 1470 he was acting as an agent and teacher in math to the sons of Antonio Rompiasi. That was the year he also went with Leon Battista Alberti to Rome. When this great humanist and teacher died two years later, Pacioli went on to Naples. After another stay here, he caught a job in Perugia teaching math again. In the meantime he had become a travelling monk with the Franciscans and in 1475 took vows as a Conventual, with some of their rules relaxed for itinerant friars.

In Perugia he began not only teaching but writing books and textbooks for his students. When the city gave him a position as a teacher they hoped to enhance their own prestige and that of their sons. Classes for him could be as many as 150 students at a time. In a way, Pacioli could feel like he had made it, yet his ambition grew. In 1478 he produced another book on math and in 1481 went to Zara, the Venetian capital of their Dalmatian province in Croatia. But he also spent time looking at the huge collections of manuscripts made publicly available by the Medici in Florence. By 1482 the Elements of Euclid - the first math text of any kind - had been published in Venice and for Pacioli, he could see the future. The following year, Pacioli's printer would open a shop. Pacioli's own text of Fibonacci, then Euclid, then a great Summation of these, plus a section on accounting, had been growing.

In 1486 he returned to Perugia to teach there again. He could put the final touches on his masterwork surrounded by familiar mountains. In the search for something more permanent in a rapidly changing world, he sought a way to set down the summation of what he had learned for a wider audience. And this was to show a more accountable method of record-keeping that cold hold even business and markets accountable.

Tuesday, July 31, 2018

summer reads 2018

I'm reading fiction again this summer. None of it's new. This batch is also not like those other currents I'm wading in like those of Francesco Filelfo or Friar Savonarola from the later and Italian fifteenth century. Nor is it like that I had finished  in the winter. Last summer's reads were indeed fun and varied but this year the stream goes off in several other directions.

The fattest conch of fiction for me last year was Jean-Marie Blas de Robles' Where Tigers Are At Home. A modern tale of foreign-feeling Brasil, that is also at times intimately suburban, at turns scholarly, observing both the romantic idealisms of the youth and the oft-demoralized poor, as well as their overweening, colonializing local rulers. The descent into actual jungle is self-reflexively set in scenes of imminent danger: sometimes soap-opera, sometimes action-movie, and almost always left unfinished.

This drumbeat of tension is instead punctuated by the life and times of Athanasius Kircher, famous Jesuit inventor from the seventeenth century, shown living and 'adventuring' in Italy. Sounds confusing but with a dozen major characters, and usually three or four separate threads of the story leading in different directions with three to six participants each at a time, the plot doesn't really kick into gear until after a few hundred pages. The large and frequent stretches from the fictive life of Kircher told here acts almost like a chorus or commentary on the activities of the rest of the characters, these moderns, in the real and hierarchic jungles of human enterprise.

So too, this year I have picked up and then immersed myself in another place and time. But this year, instead of fishing huts or ancient mysteries and telenovella scenes set beside riverboat excursions into the Amazonian jungle, there is instead the veldt of South Africa. There are the crude mud and thatch huts of white settlers and Hottentot helpers. There are the strict orders of Dutch Compagnie judgements (or later the English Black Circuit) and the uncompromised freewielding wilds of inland trekboers. African locals are respected in James A. Michener's The Covenant but they are barely known. Depicted as fully capable and too often forced into compromising, temporarily submissive positions, rarely do they get to shine. At least they are seen and sometimes given a voice. Often they are seen searching for peace and a basic livelihood.

After research in the 1970's Michener was still yoked to the idea of tackling the great issues of his day through historical fiction. Again and again he had made a name for himself (from the 1940's) educating Americans about the rest of the world and its people and customs through his form of sprawling novel. His exploration of the history of South Africa here would be his only such trek to the big continent. But as elsewhere, Michener does it cleanly with a journalist's eye for detail, a neutral position with regard to locals, colonizers, and their hangers-on, and an omniscient narrative that also manages to be arrestingly human.

The real story being told here is of people overcoming the odds and scraping together a life out of whatever happens to be there. And if it's not there, then these people move on to find another fertile valley. For centuries, the northerners from Holland or France or eventually England, saw this huge place of southern Africa as a waystation. Never a permanent destination. That came later, in the much more recent history.

At first, enough supplies had to be lain up for the few stragglers who could not go on to either Java or back to Europe after being shipwrecked along the rocky coast. The first ones could be pious Calvinists or unbelieving mercenaries, but once here they realized they had to make do and hold on to whatever article they could in order to remind them of their now far-off home. For the Dutch family it is a bible and a brown and tan crock to make bread pudding, for a Malay or Madagascan girl it was her own voice lifted in song, and the Hugenot had his Picardy vines and sense of architectural elegance which for him were made manifest by African hands. To a mixed African who makes himself dear friend and companion, a necklace of bone or a tattered handed-down uniform becomes a talisman of faded but resolute solidarity.

To tell their stories, to watch them grow familes that cross centuries, the pivotal moments of intersection between tribes or families or individuals become epochal. The hiding of a bible or the stealing of vines, the making of a cabinet with local African wood, or the rescue of books from a shipwreck, all can forge longlasting friendships. Random encounters also instill distrust. And along the way the reader learns how poisoned arrow tips are made, or how foundations are lain, how bread pudding, babootie, or brandy becomes basic through continual practice. Meanwhile in the 1700's,  the Xhosa and other locals remain far away to the east, left 'undiscovered' though prosperous and busy.

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At another tip of Africa, in Cairo, none other than Naguib Mahfouz wrote for a local audience reflecting their own more sedentary city dwellers. Between Europe's great twentieth century wars, the great city of Egypt carried on with its own ancient ways. Long adjusted to distant control by distant rulers, the people subsisted on their own practices and beliefs much as if time had stopped. Whether in the home or in the market, the open space of public opinion or along the side streets it is that of an older voice that Mahfouz seems to speak from. Surely the new ways of the British and the new technologies did creep in on the edges. Surely the youth and the women semed more rebellious than ever. Surely the old men and soothsayers seemed less principled than ever. Or maybe not. After all, it all must be how God wills it, as ever, and in all things. The joy in reading Mahfouz for me lies in how this author makes all this so plain, open and transparent.

Innermost thoughts told with an omniscient voice, with the gentlest economy makes everything clear as day. Children that know how they should behave, squirming to get a way out. Wives and daughters, neighbors, maintaining every outward expression of propriety for honor, but inwardly crafting how to take the next set of measures required. The men doing much the same living up to the roles they choose for themselves, yet antagonized by any possible intrusions into what they see as their purview. In them I see little that's alien or dated. So familiar all Mahfouz's characters seem in both Midaq Alley and the beginning of his Cairo trilogy Palace Walk. I enjoy them quite a lot and am grateful that I stumbled on them and have been granted this opportunity to get to know them.

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Similarly but for entirely different reasons I have also picked up a couple French authors. Honore de Balzac deserves pride of place because of who he is. It was reading Piketty's Capital In The 21st Century that got me thinking about Balzac. Famed for his Humanitie Comedie he wrote prolificly about the many faces and customs across the breadth of French culture at a time when they were undergoing numerous changes from within. There are a number of collections of many short works I want to take in during the tour.

Earlier this year Eugenie Grandet managed to come to the top of the reading pile. She shows it's not always fun to be filthy rich, and her life screams of the interminable strictures of the life lived under the command of misers. She's not allowed options from the beginning which precludes from knowing anything about the world at large until first love appears before her. Stark lessons on what can and should be valued are set beside terrible choices based on lucky and unlucky circumstance, yet Balzac still finds a way to form a kind of almost acceptable justice by the end. She's heroic, ever-suffering and she saves her cousin - but she won't get to marry him. This is her dilemma. But also it is her stubbornness essentially that gets her enough of what's acceptable to her by tale's end.

The collection known in English as Droll Stories also was found at the corner bookshop. I'm nearly a third of the way through that. It was written according to Balzac as an homage to Francois Rabelais from the sixteenth century. There are ribaldic tales, and some lists of ridiculous nature, but mostly the stories revolve slowly about infidelity, so far.  Apparently he got a name for doing these in the 1830's.  I look here to get a feel for his early writing style in constructing narrative. Later as well there are the other numerous collections from Balzac that I will get to. I've noticed already that he shows his characters taking a keen interest in monetary conditions.
...

For still more comparison I randomly acquired several Georges Simenon stories of detective Monsieur Maigret and so these will alternate with the Balzac as they all seem to run 150 pages or so at a time. This chief Supoerintendent detective runs all over France (like Balzac's settings will), but in the 20th century, also noting carefully his set of changes and remainders. I gather that some of the traits of Monsieur Maigret were models for the later TV character Colombo played adorably by Peter Falk in the US 1970's. Simenon's tales of Maigret are really easy reads but I like this author's sense of detail and the 20th century wrestle with psychological/emotional reveals. By reading these non-related French fiction authors from different periods, I hope to get some insight into their idea at least of what it is to be French. And so, how it used to be. Lucky for me there are so many of these tales and they can be picked up and plowed through in such quick and smooth doses. On a side note, I still don't like Gauloises and it's hard to find Cleopatra's here.

Thursday, July 5, 2018

Polyneices and Jocasta Speak On Exile in Euripides' Phoenissae, ii


Mother Jocasta asks son Polyneikes after a long absence what she wants to learn first about his life. What does he say about exile? Is it such a bad thing? Here is Francesco Filelfo's interpretation of this (and here is more context for Filelfo's project), the dialogue in Filelfo's Latin text of this part of his excerpt from Euripides. This is followed by the last two lines of the section from Euripides, with barest translation.

Joc. Tandem rogo te scire quod primum velim: quid exilium ais, nate? Num magnum malum?
Pol. Quammaximum, maiusque re quam oris sono.
Joc. Quonam modo? Quae est exulibus acerbitas?
Pol. Quo durius nihil est, oportet exulem demittat ipse se, nec audeat loqui.
Joc. Servile puto nequire quod sentis loqui.
Pol. Ineptiasque principum ferat, est opus.
Joc. Et hoc grave est, aliorum ut ullus particeps amentiae fiat.
Pol. Lucrique gratia servire cogitur.
Joc. Sed, ut dici solet, spes exules pascunt.
Pol. At hae pulchris quidem luminibus aspiciunt, nimis at amant moras.

αἱ δ᾽ ἐλπίδες βόσκουσι φυγάδαςὡς λόγος.
But hopes nourish exiles, so it's said.
καλοῖς βλέπουσαί γ᾽ ὄμμασινμέλλουσι δέ.

In the text from Filelfo, Jocasta says, "ut dici solet", - as it is said, - [that] "spes exules pascunt"- hope nourishes exiles.
And Polyneikes replies, 'looking on these things of beauty, with eyes, but loving too much delays'.

Here the idea has been stretched a bit. As prior in that section, Filelfo closely follows the Greek of Euripides, but this last line in Filelfo introduces the subtly different idea that instead, hope inclines us to a more ambiguous future,  'loving delays' rather than more certain, expected, or intended outcomes.

That is not found in Euripides' Greek. First, because hope, 'spes' in Latin, is a feminine noun, the next line in Polyneikes reply, in Filelfo, makes 'these things' - "hae pulchris" -  in reference to hope's products also feminine. These 'things of hope' which 'see with eyes, lights', may also simply be with looks or glances. They may also be the exiles themselves that see.

These things for Euripides, indeed, what see the beautiful things, are the eyes, and as intended. This line has an aphoristic quality, like an idea that is plain for anyone. For Filelfo however, hopes long after delays, not more directly, 'as they play out' or, 'as intended' in Euripides. But, the Greeks had a more permanent sense of fate, the 'will of the gods' that goes along well with the notion of 'what was intended'.

The equation seems the same in both at first. The hope nourishes exiles who sees beauty with eyes that see. But in Euripides that's as it should be, and with Filelfo, the delays are too much. The difference in sense, seems to be between hopes as intended - 'μέλλουσι δέ', and, hopes delayed - how Filelfo has Jocasta answer in a question about the god's vanity with 'longa'.

This subtle difference continues in comparing Filelfo with Euripides through this tight, back-and-forth dialogue between mother and son. But the expected, intended certainy which lies in the greek expression rather than the latin, as Filelfo altered it (for his character of Palla Strozzi and) for his fifteenth-century Italian audience, also leads to more further, and different, constructions. My wooden barest translations barely scratch the surface. Can you do better?

Joc. Neque longa vanas indicat dies eas?
οὐδ᾽  χρόνος αὐτὰς διεσάφησ᾽ οὔσας κενάς;
Doesn't time show these godly things as being empty?

Pol. Habent voluptatem malorum quampiam.
ἔχουσιν Ἀφροδίτην τιν᾽ ἡδεῖαν κακῶν.
They do keep at enjoying any delight badly.

Joc. Verum unde quaerebus cibum ante nuptias?
πόθεν δ᾽ ἐβόσκουπρὶν γάμοις εὑρεῖν βίον;
And how did you prosper before you found life with marriage?

Pol. Modum diurnum habui, modo carui miser.
ποτὲ μὲν ἐπ᾽ ἦμαρ εἶχονεἶτ᾽ οὐκ εἶχον ἄν.
I kept a daily practice,  and also if I might not keep it.

Joc. At patris amici et hospites nil proderant?
φίλοι δὲ πατρὸς καὶ ξένοι σ᾽ οὐκ ὠφέλουν;
But friends and guests of your father, didn't they help you?

Pol. Utere secundia. Nullum amicum miser habet.
εὖ πρᾶσσετὰ φίλων δ᾽ οὐδένἤν τι δυστυχῇς.
Good on occasion: but not the things from friends, that was an unlucky thing.

Joc. Nec magnitudo sustulit generis boni?
οὐδ᾽ ηὑγένειά σ᾽ ἦρεν εἰς ὕψος μέγαν;

Pol. Malum est egere. Me genus aluit nihil.
κακὸν τὸ μὴ ἔχειντὸ γένος οὐκ ἔβοσκέ με.

Joc. Patria, ut videtur, est homini amicissimum?
 πατρίςὡς ἔοικεφίλτατον βροτοῖς.

Pol. Amicum ut est patria, loqui nequeam quidem.
οὐδ᾽ ὀνομάσαι δύναι᾽ ἂν ὡς ἐστὶν φίλον.

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from Filelfo, FrancescoOn Exile,  Edited by Jeroen de Keyser and translated by W. Scott Blanchard, for The I Tatti Renaissance Library (ITRI); by The President and Fellows of Harvard College, USA 2013

and at the Tufts University site