Tuesday, February 28, 2017

Last Things First: Notes On Sources: Cerretani, Parenti On Francesco Valori

Here's a quick pairing of sources for two modern biographies in English on the life and times of Girolamo Savonarola. Specific instances of footnotes are followed by specific citations on specific topics, quotes or mentions. These are followed by quotes or notes about the source or sources, as well as a more recent secondary collection, etc.

In Lauro Martines: Fire In The City: Savonarola and the struggle for the soul of Renaissance Florence ; Oxford University Press, New York, 2006 

Cerretani, Bartolomeo. 1994. Storia fiorentina. Ed. G. Berti. Florence. 248: "Description of Valori" [as Gonfalonier of Justice for the months Jan-Feb 1497]
"A man of gravity and few words, with a long reddish face, he is described by Cerretani as having had 'a giant of a spirit' (animo vastissimo), 'great presence', and 'extraordinary courage'. Although ambitious and 'austerely proud', he was generally regarded as a man of exceptional honesty and integrity, ... he lived sparely, dressed modestly, and had no children to whom he could pass on his political fortunes." [p. 152]
Francesco Valori, elected as Gonfalonier in the two-month stint January/ February of 1497, had been a man at the center of things before, and could be seen as a mostly reliable ally by the Frateschi and the Dominicans at San Marco. A chief rival of his had been Piero Capponi, killed in battle outside Pisa just the previous October 26. Valori proclaimed himself publicly as a partisan for the Frateschi. This fluid group in these uncertain times were political actors that publicly sided with the reforms called for by Savonarola and their Piagnoni, or, 'Wailers'. Then Valori was selected again to the Signoria and then by end of 1496 as chosen as Gonfalonier to start the new year. He would also play a decisive role in the execution of the five in August that year as well, and pay for that with his life the following spring.

Bartolomeo Cerretani our primary source here, is, along with Parenti and Landucci, Martines says, 'one of the leading chroniclers' for Florence in the period around the invasion of France and the rise and fall of Friar Savonarola. Martines calls Cerretani  'anti-Savonarolan', as well. Still he wasn't so partisan to leave out that the Friar had his effect in the City against gambling, the displayance of finery, and crimes like sodomy.

Along with Piero Parenti, Cerretani is called an 'upper class chronicler', but could still make huge errors. For instance, Cerretani doubles the number of French men at arms that Parenti says entered the city with the King of France. But he also may have been close enough to the center of action that day. Enough to give quotes of the lively interchange between the King and Piero Capponi, with troops in the city, in a moment of heat, where both could bluff about their intentions. Later, Cerretani seemed certain that Piero d'Medici's forces assembled outside the walls would have captured the city, if not for the rain that April day of 1497.

Worse, Cerretani repeats the story that the Dominican Friar had sent a note to Gonfalonier Bartoli in August 1497, calling tacitly that 'God wants justice', and that certain high-profile captive citizens should be executed for treason. Martines details this story, notes the source and disagrees due to the majority of the rest of the evidence, saying it would be outside the Savonarolan character. Sources say Cerretani died in 1524, but I can't find a birthdate.
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Parenti, Piero. 1994. Storia fiorentina I 1476-78, 1492-96. Ed. A Matucci. Florence. 317-18:
[On shifting pro-Medicean influence (going for and then against Savonarola) and the alliances in Florence]; and, vol. 4, 181-2, Parenti (Schnitzer)

In 1910 Liepzig published a collection of writings Savonarola nach den Aufzeichnungen des Florentiners Piero Parenti that dealt with the history of Florence in the years of Savonarola's prominence there. In 1912 a review of Schnitzer's work was published in The English Historical Review. A summary of Parenti's life can be found in that simple review.

Parenti was related to the Strozzi and an adult when Florence was overcome in turn by the French, and then by Savonarola. Thus he is a chief eyewitness to the many twists and turns in the lead up to the dissolution of the Republic of Florence. Parenti himself went on to live (d. 1518) and to see the return of the de'Medici family into his city. Parenti's church was that of the Franciscans at Santa Croce who were among those critical of Savonarola's prophecies and mysticism.

During the time that France was in Italy and the famines and upsets that followed, the continued battles over Pisa and even the warnings sent from the papacy about the Dominican friar, Parenti seems undecided about Savonarola's perceived power. Parenti seems more concerned about the return of de'Medici influence by whatever means. But when Francesco Valori announced himself a partisan with the Savonarolan stamp late 1496, and then elected to the Signory with the priors then selecting him as Gonfalonier for earliest 1497, Parenti's view becomes more critical of Valori.

Valori would go on to work his way in the Signoria and manage to cast out and ban many critics of the Dominican friar. His successor Bernardo Del Nero actively spoke out against the Friar and would continue to act with a pro-Medician lean.

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In Donald Weinstein: Savonarola: the rise and fall of a renaissance prophet , Yale University Press, New Haven, 2011

Parenti, Piero di Marco, 1994. Storia fiorentina Ed. Andrea Matucci, 2 vols. (Florence, 2004-5). vol2, 1496-1502.

Much of Weinstein's discussion (pp. 214-6) on the time of Valori as Gonfalonier relies on Matucci's 2nd volume of Parenti's Storia fiorentina.  Weinstein gives us this intensive view of Valori's style of leadership, which by leaping into view, brings much into clear focus.
"Valori knew how to get his way with legislators even in the absence of majorities. One of his favorite tactics was to convene large consultative bodies (pratiche larghe) that he stacked with men he trusted to propose measures favorable to his party. When those bills duly came before the Council of Eighty and the Great Council only those known to be in favor were allowed to speak. If a measure faltered, Valori would introduce it again and again until all objections were overcome and its opponents silenced. In this way Valori speedily pushed through much of Savonarola's stalled reform program, including more thorough marshalling of the Florentine faniculli, more drastic penalties for sodomy and gambling, and tighter regulation of women's dress and ornament." [p.215]
A notable exception quickly diverting from Parenti's narrative via Weinstein, is a mention of Guicciardini's History of Florence  (123), where he says that the death of Piero Capponi in the field was necessary for the elevation of Francesco Valori in the Signoria.
and...
"Documents and information regarding the Valori in L. Polizzotto and C. Kovesi, Memorie di casa Valori (Florence, 2007)". But this is very recent.

Never Cede Anything To The Proud; Machiavelli: Discoursi, ii, 13-14

Running roughly in chronological order thru Roman History, in the second part of Niccolo Machiavelli's Dicourses On the Ten Books of Livy, he writes of the time of the Roman Samnite Wars c. 340 BCE. This thirteenth heading, or chapter-heading in the second part (or, the 73rd chapter if counted from the beginning as some editions do) in Machiavelli's Discoursi, states a sort of truism. Almost an accusation, it is the simply constructed idea that the rise of low men (those of small fortune, piccola fortuna) to high positions, came as a result usually of fraud rather than by force.

In this section, however, Machiavelli goes into some detail describing the conflict between the Latins and the Samnites, as neighbors of the Romans in the days of Alexander the Great.  Kings commit fraud all the time, he asserts, and deceive in all sorts of ways but, he says, even Livy knew that the Republic was not above deception, if it led to the growth of the state. The author of the famous earlier twentieth century translation of the Discoursi, Leslie J Walker did not think that Machiavelli had made his case to prove the truism that this chapter heading seemed to assert. Or, at least, the reference to a speech in Livy was not enough to prove the assertion true.

The speech itself as written in Livy (viii, 4) was probably modeled after the one in Thucydides , when the Corcyreans came to Athens to ask for protection. This speech in Livy comes from a Latin praetor acting as ambassador to the Senate in Rome, representing interests of herself and her neighbors, both seeking and not seeking help. This passage in Livy and since has excited scholars in almost every age. There is still debate over what Machiavelli extracts from this, or, whether Livy meant to agree or not with Annius Setinus, the embassy speaker, or if the encounter, or start of the war, even happened this way. But more simply, could this speech merely be a bald acceptance of the sometimes fraudulent access to power, thru immoral means of deception, if such a means becomes the more practical route?

The reason this is an issue at all is because of the oft-vaunted glory of Rome and its Republic. Livy and Machiavelli both had reasons to show Rome as setting a very high bar, an exemplar for the right methods of rule, for the virtues of a state. Again and again in both authors, Roman wisdom, prudence and military glory are often continually praised. This rare exception where Livy shows some of the lengths Rome let itself go, so to speak, Machiavelli casually accepts and then pushes the envelope further.

In a chapter or subject heading such as "Pride In Others is Not Overcome by Humility in Oneself", ther fourteenth, a bit of hubris might be suspected. But Machiavelli seems quite clear reiterating his point that, in some public circumstances, humility in action may no longer win the day, the battle, or the war. Here he is drawing out the point, as he says Livy describes the start of the Roman-Samnite Wars, in Livy's History.
"There are to be found numerous cases in which humility is not only no help, but is a hindrance, especially when used in dealing with arrogant men who, either out of envy or for some other cause, have come to hate you."
This was the lesson, Macchiavelli says 'our historian' Livy assures "...was the cause of the war between the Romans and the Samnites...". But a proper response to this situation, for any leader, Machiavelli tells us, is to
"... never forget his dignity, nor ... should he ever waive a point agreed upon unless he can enforce it, or thinks he can enforce it."
The practical problem in not following this advice, the counter argument Macchiavelli offers, is that of the ever-weakening slippery slope with regard to strength, power and control of the situation.
"... if you yield to a threat, you do so in order to avoid war, and more often than not, you do not avoid war. For those before whom you have thus openly demeaned yourself by yielding, will not stop there, but will seek to extort further concessions, and the less they esteem you the more incensed will they become against you."
If, in the event force is used, even a little show early on can be used as an advantageous bit of leverage.
 "But, ... if you prepare to use force, even though your forces be inferior to his, he will begin to respect you.... This applies to where you have but one enemy. If you have more, the wiser course is to hand over some of your possessions ... to win him to your side."
Returning then to how this might be applied to the situation with the Latins and the Campanians aluded to in the end of chapter thirteen, Machiavelli makes a summation.
"... when the power of the Romans was first beginning to grow, they did not fail to use fraud; of which it is always necessary that those should make use who from small beginnings wish to rise to sublime heights, and the better they conceal it, as the Romans did, the less blameworthy it is."
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Niccolo Machiavelli: The Discourses on the First Ten Books of Livy Edited by Bernard Crick, translated by Leslie J Walker, thrird revision by Brian Richardson, Penguin Books, London, 1970, 2003

Friday, February 10, 2017

Queen and King Push For Influence In Catholic Appointments

The enduring stability of what became Greater, and eventually Imperial Spain, was made possible by the systems drawn out from tradition by the Royal House. It's reform of the courts , law enforcement and municipal administration that came to pass out of the Councils, such as that of Madrigal and Toledo, established these in formal agreements. These also maintained, but also reestablished the legal precedence of the Crown over such affairs across Castilian lands. There was also the turning of hidalgos across Old Spain into various levels of king's men. But all of these and their effects could reach only so far. There was also the Church to consider.
"They could never be absolute masters in their own land until they had brought under royal control the immensely powerful Spanish Church. The power of the Church in Spain was reinforced by its vast wealth and by the vast extent of its privileges. There were seven archbishoprics and forty bishoprics.... The regular and secular clergy shared with hidalgos the privilege of exemption from the taxes levied by the Crown, and they were more successful than the hidalgos in evading the payment of municipal dues...." [p. 99]

The Church members even excelled at promoting the welfare of their own servants and helpers. They grew great demesnes, held hereditary offices, enabling great families to remain central to power in many places. Over the centuries, of course, this independence furthered fueds. For example, in the fifteenth century, the act of presentation of "...the more important benefices was a source of constant dispute." Sees, Cathedral chapters, monastic Orders all felt pressured to conform from the ministers of the papacy as well as the King and Queen. For example, the handing over of certain fortresses of Don Alfonso Carillo to royal officials was coupled with royal demands that royal judgements and jurisdictions would remain superior to any local decisions, whether in the Church or not.

In 1475, Isabella asked that she be able to pick the Archbishop of Zaragoza when the office fell vacant. The practice that she said she recalled was that a sovereign could pick a candidate 'in supplication to the Papacy' who would then 'give the blessing' of their pick. [p.100] In 1478 the sovereigns called a Council at Seville.
"The programme laid before the council for discussion made it clear that the Crown was determined to secure control over all benefices in Castile, and that it expected clerical ratification for its defiance of Rome. The council duly agreed to intercede with the Pope, but the delegation which it sent to Rome met with no success." [p 101] 
Next, Elliott tells of the vacancy in the see at Cuenca in 1479 where the sovereigns demanded their selection be met with the blessing in Rome. This wasn't resolved until 1482. As time went on, the sovereigns pushed their agenda to establish greater control over the Church in other ways as in Granada, in 1486 where the Crown did gain superior privileges. The eventual consequences of these early motions pushing the sovereign agenda would be huge for Europe in all sorts of ways.
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J.H. Elliott: Imperial Spain 1469-1716 : Penguin, NY, 2002

Thursday, February 2, 2017

news: two weeks inside the 'Trump as POTUS' Daily Rollercoaster: late Jan 2017


There was the rainy Inauguration celebration the Friday that Trump became president. But the day after, Saturday, a much larger march was held in protest in Washington, DC called the #WomensMarch. But even though this seemed considerably larger than Trump's gathering, this also had become a march in many other cities that day across the US, and across the world.

The day of this Saturday march, Sean Spicer, acting Press Secretary for the new president, called a meeting to rail and yell at the press for their comments about crowd sizes that were in fact true. And this presentation was on his first day on the job. These were clearly not comments that the new president and his fans wanted to hear. Some in the press warn that this official disapproval of actual facts on the national level may, in addition, be meted out with repressive local legislation.
Also that same Saturday, President Trump went to the famous Memorial Wall at CIA headquarters ostensibly trying to patch up his already rocky relationship with the Agency. But, seeing as how the skills necessary in gathering intelligence include the set of skills necessary for detecting deception, many were left unimpressed.
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In addition to announcing appointees to his cabinet and White House team, there was much talk about first executive orders. Within days the new President began issuing Executive Orders conflicting with past tradition and effacing cultural norms, decrying the press, and aiming to limit government institutions, agencies and offices of all manner. Several stood up against such swift, and often unknowing, even authoritarian, effrontery. These included the acting Attorney General Susan Yates, and the head of ICE but also included many in the EPA, NASA and the National Park Service.

A week in the office, President Trump signed another Executive Order demanding targeted vetting for certain immigrants into the country. This order is particularly focused on people coming from seven majority Muslim countries.

This temporary ban has been met with widespread confusion within government and airline services. It also has generated a fair amount of condemnation and protests from people all over, fear from those targeted and, jubilation from those mistakenly believing that immigrants, and particularly Muslim immigrants cause their problems here in the US.
Thousands went to airports all over the country to protest the order and support immigrants, refugees and Muslims.
After verbally attacking China and Mexico as well, the list grows again by Thursday.

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The day before Donald Trump was inaugurated as President of the United States, Josh Rogin for The Washington Post wrote about Mr Trump's inner circle of closest advisors.
Some analysts see this shake-up, both in the way Trump will get his information and control National Security - as having placed responsibility for these weighty matters seemingly in the same person - as working toward specific ends.
There is little that might keep the majority from learning what happened with the election, the conflicts of interest that Trump and his Admin are ignoring or, the ends that Trump's closest advisers seem bent toward. It's all in the public record. Until now.

And unless they want to cover it up. But, there is also much superfluous else in the media - whether officially broadcast or not - that seems to wash away by sheer volume what should be the most alarming of these stories.