Saturday, June 18, 2016

Venetian Captains In The Italian Wars: Bernardo Contarini, pt 2

As with Antonio Grimani, Pietro Bembo highlighted the exploits of a few captains in Venice's role as ally in helping expel the French from Italy. Another of these captains was Bernardo Contarini. Once put in charge of troops, he always seemed to be ready to engage in conflict and still fulfill his duties. Sent to aid Naples, her present king, as well as numerous towns, from Faenza to San Severo, he drove the French to Tela, where, for example, after a large contingent were put under siege by Contarini and his forces, surrendered and left. The French remaining had given up for lack of pay. Contarini himself died of a fever a few days later after the terms were agreed and signed.

After the siege at Novara was over and his army called off, the council in Venice intended to answer a request from the pope to help protect the King in Naples. However, because of a delay that the sometimes dubious Ludovico Sforza, Duke of Milan had requested, they were told to wait and did so in the north of Italy into 1496. Upon word from Faenza that its exiles had been attacking the city and that they needed Venetian protection, as a result of the general mayhem that the war had engendered, with his army nearby, Contarini swung into action. It was December, 1495.
"... the Senate decreed that they would take the city of Faenza and its young lord under their protection, and that they would send a Venetian citizen there to govern in the child's name. The boy himself was to have 100 heavy cavalry, and 80 gold pounds a year for their pay. Before the decree was passed, however, the exiles invaded the territory of Faenza with the aid of the Florentines, but were routed and put to flight by Bernardo Contarini, now arrived at Ravenna." [iii,19]
When the army, now with 700 cavalry and 3000 infantry were readied to head south, Contarini was put in charge of it, and as long as the war lasted, Bembo says. [iii,20] By the time he and his army reached Sessa Aurunca, Contarini had captured four towns held by the French. Again, at Gallucio, north of Naples, he fought bravely, killing many and putting the rest to flight. North of Benevento, at Fragneto Monforte where more French had holed up, Conatrini struck again.This time he sent a few out in front to lure the French out. It was an ambush and many French were killed, captured and put to flight. [iii, 28] Troops sent to give relief to French at San Severo were caught and half of them killed, again by Contarini and his men. [iii,29]

Later, the King Ferradino of Naples had decided to await German forces heading south to aid him rather than pursuing the French locally. Contarini found himself having to convince the King to let him give chase to those French troops laying siege to  'Folia'. Our editor here, Robert W Ulery, says we don't know where that is and suggests instead Foggia. When Contarini was allowed to go out he broke up the siege and, again forced the remaining French to flee. Where the French had barricaded themselves in Vallata, Contarini surrounded it and forced them out and then sacked the place.[iii, 30]

The large army that remained near San Severo, again, Contarini broke it up, killing soldiers, cavalry and capturing 90 more. [iii,31] Another last position of the French was at Tela, also not clearly identified. But Contarini had the same effect. [iii,33]

After a long siege, it was on July 20 that terms were signed by the French who were escorted out with the Venetian forces having occupied the area. Three days later, Bembo tells us, in the grip of a fever contracted somewhere, he died.
"The Senate later gave his mother an annual grant of a gold pound to live on, and to one of his sisters 20 pounds as dowry, to the other 3 pounds to enter a convent." [iii,36]

This must have seemed a large reward then seeing how great a service he had made.  Years later, in August 1516, Sebastiano Giustiniani the Venetian ambassador sent to Henry VIII, would write to tell him of the exploits of Contarini in the Italian Wars,
__________________________________________
from Pietro Bembo: History of Venice; edited and translated by Robert W Ulery, Jr.; in english and latin, The I Tatti Renaissance Library; The President and Fellows of Harvard College, USA 2007

brief summer snapshot of Lucrezia and the Borgia youth, in Rome, 1496

Lucrezia Borgia was the daughter of Pope Alexander VI. She was born in April 1480, so, in the summer of 1496, she was sixteen years old. Already contractually married (in 1493), to Giovanni Sforza, lord of Pesaro, she had spent May 1494 to June 1495 with her husband there in Pesaro, avoiding the Italian Wars. In the time she spent there, Giovanni's importance to the Borgia court dwindled. A cousin to the powerful Cardinal Ascanio Sforza, it was thought the Vatican needed such an alliance with the powerful family ruling Milan and its Duke Ludovico.

As the war wore on the influence of Giovanni Sforza was seen as diminished. The Duke and the Cardinal Sforza were their own force that seemed impossible to penetrate or predict. As things went badly for the French, they went badly for the Duke. By the time forces were marshalling on either side of the Taro, before Fornovo, Giovanni's young wife Lucezia, then fifteen, had returned home to Rome and the Borgia court of Alexander VI. Giovanni would also come to Rome by 1496 and the couple would move into a palace at Santa Maria In Portico, near the Vatican.

There, returned from the less interesting country-living, Lucrezia seems, by all accounts, to have come into her own sense of self. There were her brothers and sisters to tend to and they were all their own personalities. The fact that her famous father Roderic Borgia, as pope, had so many children, and by different women, struck the whole Christian world as very strange. The fact that he doted on them so lavishly was not so bad, but he often promoted them too, to places often far above the regular course. But this pope seemed to dispense with the idea of humility itself and loved to spread the wealth that came to him, because of his power, to his friends and especially amongst his children. And he did this in a way that extended precedents in several fields.

Lucrezia's brother Cesare, by summer, already a Cardinal and not twenty years old, had a section in the Vatican above the pope's chambers where he took up his residence. But the party of the season in May 1496 was the home-coming, not of Lucrezia, but of her brother Gioffre and his wife Sancia, daughter of Alfonso of Aragon, now King of Sicily. With Lucrezia at sixteen and Sancia at eighteen, the two girls would become fast friends and live out a glorious summer at the head of a train of pageantry, in complete safety and security at the Vatican. When the couple came to Rome, the proud papa made sure the youth could see thesmselves and be seen in splendour. Hibbert tells us the couple arrived at the gate of San Giovanni in Laterano and, helpfully, gives us a quote from the master of ceremonies to the popes, Johann Burchard.
"The captain of the militia went to meet them with some 200 of his men-at-arms and the households and servants of all the cardinals, except for those of the prelates of the Pope, were also there to receive them."
This captain was none other than the nineteen (or twenty) year old brother, Giovanni Borgia.
"All the cardinals had been invited that morning, by the couriers of the Pope acting in the name of the Cardinal Valence, to send their chaplains and squires, but not their prelates, to receive his brother Jofre on his entry into the city. All acceded to this request. "
Thus, not the administrative or office holding members of the Church, but their often more youthful servants, attendants and squires.
"Lucrezia Sforza, daughter of His Holiness and wife of the illustrious Giovanni Sforza, Lord of Pesaro, also went to the said gate to meet Don Jofre, her brother. She was accompanied by some twenty ladies and preceded by two pages on horseback wearing capes. One of the horses was covered in a magnificent cloth-of-gold caparison; the other in a caparison of red velvet. Lucrezia received Don Jofre and his wife with affection." [p.94]
Hibbert tells us the train back to the Vatican had thirty mules loaded with luggage. They went past the Colosseum, the Campo dei Fiori, and the bridge past the Castel Sant' Angello. When they arrived, Hibbert also tells us the Mantuan ambassador thought that Lucrezia's beauty far surpassed that of the Spanish daughter Sancia of Naples. Her father had been King Alfonso II, but for only the brief period of the war, and had fled in late 1495 to Sicily. He died at Messina trying to both return to and escape from danger just over six months before. It was now her half-brother that was called King of Naples. He too would die before that year's fall had come.

In any event, the Mantuan ambassador, Hibbert tells us, reported that Sancia's ladies-in-waiting were 'a fine crop' that year, and Sancia herself 'had glancing eyes and an aquiline nose'. Giovanni had business to attend to in Spain that year. Gioffre found other amusements in Rome, apparently. There would be another party that year in August when Giovanni Duke of Gandia returned. But this was a summer where Lucrezia and Sancia were seen all over town. And Cesare had apparently taken a liking to Sancia, his younger brother Gioffre's wife.
______________________________________
disentangled from Hibbert, Christopher: The Borgia's and their enemies: 1431-1519; Harcourt, Inc., Houghton Mifflin Harcourt; US, 2008

Friday, June 17, 2016

picture book june 2016

Again, the news is predictably terrible. The constantly brutal assault of terror, tragedy and timid responses, dulls the senses. So rather than doing the same, I gathered a few interesting pictures and videos that might instead spur imagination.
__________________________________________________
 Yesterday was Bloomsday, celebrated all over the world, but especially in Dublin.

Coloring books have started trending. Here's one that looks interesting.


An odd relic is the Voynich Manuscript. It's written in no known language. Some think it may be a copy of an ancient herbal medicine book. Scholars remain divided.

__________________________________________________
Here's a video of the length of the Suez Canal from space.
It turns out that a dagger found with Ancient Egyptian King Tutankhamen is made of a meteorite. Not of this world.
___________________________________________________

Too late to rock the casbah?

___________________________________________________
French labor protests bring thousands into the streets.
Paris on June 14.
___________________________________________________
Springtime Monet.
This one's by Dmitry Levin.

Thursday, June 16, 2016

Treaty of Tordesillas: Elements of World Governance; April- June, 1494

It was on the 9th of June that the Treaty of Tordesillas was concluded. This was the agreement between Portugal and Spain which resulted in the particion del mar which ruled the Atlantic Ocean in the subsequent 'Age of Exploration' and which lasted nearly 100 years. The idea of splitting up the western sea between sovereign states was new, so it was bound to be a bit clumsy and unworkable. The sovereigns had different motivations. Portugal still had its sights on the far east and the route around Africa while Spain had placed its hope in the western territories that Columbus was then currently lost in. The conclusion seemed to favor Portugal as they had gained some 270 leagues west of the 1493 agreement, but Greater Spain would make more of their portion.

The agreement itself came at the end of a month of negotiations held at the convent of Santa Clara in Tordesillas just fifteen miles from Medina del Campo, where Isabel preferred to reside in the spring. The houses in which the matter was drawn up, Casas del Tratado, still stand there. A great number of expert witnesses and diplomats had come from Portugal that year, so many that it seemed they would win the day. Spain was mostly represented by the King and Queen themselves, and a number of administrators with little to no experience of the seas. Hugh Thomas helpfully lists them.
"Enrique Enriquez, mayordomo of the court, uncle of the King... an aristocrat without knowledge of any sea [but] correspondent of his consuego [his father-in-law], Alexander Borgia [current Pope Alexander VI]. There was Gutierre de Cardenas, the chief accountant, the long-standing courtier who had introduced Ferdinand  to Isabel in 1474 and had made money, especially in the Canaries from the import of the lichen orchil...".[p. 162]
But Thomas says his knowledge of marine matters 'probably didn't stretch from Cadiz to the Gran Canaria'.  There were several people after all who witnessed or took part in these negotiations. Another, Rodrigo Maldonado de Talavera, was a lawyer of the 'Council of the Realm'. The three geographers present - Pedro de Leon, Fernando de Torres and Fernando Gamarro - Thomas lists, but gives no credentials more than calling them comendadores. One other, Juame Ferrer, known to Thomas as a fan of Columbus (likening the discovery of the America's with that of the fabled St Thomas 'discovering' India), was, himself, a Catalan cartographer who may have been there, according to Cardinal Mendoza. They could have chosen Antonio de Torres who was in Castile, but did not. [p. 163] Though, according to Peter Martyr, Torres himself had journeyed and had been received at court  (then at Medina del Campo) by April 3. [p.161]

Sometime In April, the courtiers from Portugal had begun to arrive, essentially outnumbering the Spanish in terms of being actual holders of real information. The Portuguese contingent was more seasoned, with many captains and investors. These were men that were involved who, possibly knew already of Brazil, and even possibly (via Bartolomeu Diaz), the route south around Africa, and on to the far east. The Portuguese, Thomas tells us, wanted to sail their ships south in a broad arc and avoid the winds of the African coast. The Spanish advisors worried that the Portuguese were sending a fleet to the Indies. The Portuguese indeed wanted this and wanted room to do so, going south. Thereby increasing the amount of Brazilian coast they could land on - the line was moved  to 370 leagues west of the Canaries, that year - would greatly benefit their endeavors. [pp.163-4]

After all, one of them was the experienced Ruy de Sousa de Sagres. Sailor, diplomat,he was also a confidante of Portuguese King João. Thomas said he'd commanded a fleet that sailed to the Congo and brought a declaration of war, once, on behalf of Alfonso V, in 1475 to Queen Isabel. He came with his own son and three other memebers of the Portuguese royal council. In addition there were four more, each with their own knowledge of the southern Atlantic.
"... Estavão Vaz, a asecretary to João II who had endeared himself to the Spanish monarchs by taking a cargo of gunpowder to assist them in the siege of Malago. Later he had been in Castile as an ambassador charged to tidy up the affairs of the Duke of Braganza after the latter's execution in Lisbon as a traitor."
"Duarte Pacheco, a famous sailor and cartographer, who had been to Guinea and would in his book Esmeraldo Situ Orbis (to appear ten years later), make a major contribution to the geography of Africa;  Rui de Leme, who had been brought up in Madeira and whose father Antonio de Leme, had been one of those said to have discussed the Atlantic with Columbus in the 1470's; João Soares de Sigueira...". [p. 162]
An agreement was reached on the 7th of June. The year before an agreement had been reached which primarily finalized the agreement over the Canary Islands, the Azores and the further west. This came in the form of a bull Inter Caetera issued by Pope Alexander VI in May 1493. This split the Atlantic into halves in a line 100 leagues west of the Canaries. The Treaty in 1494 moved this line west. But the bull in 1493 had been followed in July, from the authorizing office of the Holy See, for one Fray Boil to go on Columbus' second voyage. He had been appointed to oversee the missionary efforts among locals in the new world and gave him sole authorization to found churches. [pp. 131-40]

It was then three years later, also in June (on the 11th, in 1496) that Columbus at last returned from that second voyage and reached Cadiz. [p. 185] But he found Spain much changed in regards to him. Much had happened in Spain since his departure in September 1493.
______________________________________________
quotes and pagination from: Thomas, Hugh: Rivers of Gold: The Rise of the Spanish Empire ; Penguin/ Random House, UK; 2003

Thursday, June 9, 2016

Savonarola Has A Vision In A Busy Spring 1496

Springtime in Florence saw Girolama Savonarola keeping very busy. He had continued preaching despite Pope Alexander VI telling him not to. He had set up and maintained a number of projects, including those with the faniculli, with the City, and there were also his books. In a series of sermons, in April and May, he spoke of visions and prophecies, scripture and practical matters. He had foretold the French would return, and Pisa too. These and more would remain unfulfilled in his life.

Of course there were those who said it would be a mistake if the French returned. Others said it would be a mistake if Pisa fell into the hands of Milan or Venice. It was springtime with all its activity and feverish seasonal swells when Savonarola said he had had a vision. In it he said he saw a simple cross on a hill that spouted a fountain of blood which flowed into a river. Every Moor and pagan saw the red cross that had formed on their foreheads of blood. They threw off their clothes and began running to the river to drink of it which made them, Weinstein tells us, 'gentle and sweet, beautiful as angels'. There were red crosses on the foreheads of Christians, too, but many of them turned away and tried to hide their mark. Many ran away finding discarded clothing or hats to cover the mark of the cross. Even lances, swords, plagues and bombards, could not deter them. They ran to their fortresses and armed themselves instead of showing their mark of the cross. These were cut down. There were some, though, in Savonarola's vision who went to the river and drank, and some of these were Florentines. And these were saved and emerged as angels. [p. 191]

Churning the waters of discontent, the Council of Eight decided that there should be a two-month break from unlicensed sermonizing, because, they said, of the recurrence of plague in the city. By April 10, Savonarola seemed to accept this while pointing out there had not been any reports of the plague in his church, since it seemed to him that the sword of God had righteously spared them. By April 17, he had changed venue and preached again, this time at the San Domenico convent in nearby Prato. There were refugees that were there, displaced by the problems in Pisa and who came to listen. Savonarola again preached that there would be trials and tribulations followed by blessings, gaining more adherents. Legend has it he went on for over three hours. [p.193]

The following week he was fetched from Prato by a couple on the Council. There would be a vote the next day and they wanted his presence. Savonarola returned. On the day of the vote, two men were apprehended spreading lists of names of candidates to be favored in the vote which would slim and thereby influence the effective governing council. These two men were tortured in jail to give up their leaders. One of these was found to be the former Gonfalonier of Justice Filippo Corbizzi, the head of the Arrabbiati, the sworn enemies of the Friar. Some two-hundred citizens were found to be complicit, full of anti-Savonarolan and anti- Bigi (pro-Medici) conspirators. The ringleaders were rounded up, the sentences handed down and they were given life imprisonment. The rest were pardoned. A new vote was scheduled. And a new Standard Bearer of Justice was elected that would look favorably on the Friar and his activities for the next two months. [p. 194]

By May 8, he had returned, preaching in the Cathedral, defiantly.
"Well, we're still here; we haven't run away. By now they should be content with all the lies they've told. They say we've carried off a lot of money. Too bad for you, Florentines; you didn't know how to catch me!"
He admitted that he felt he must counter his critics and detractors. He knew preaching was his best defense and would be to his benefit. He turned to the books of Ruth and Micah to continue to make his case.[p.196]

______________________________________
quotes and pagination in Donald Weinstein: Savonarola: the rise and fall of a renaissance prophet , Yale University Press, New Haven, 2011

Wednesday, June 8, 2016

Sifting, Modern Devotion: Basic Writings, Introduction by John Van Engen

In simple, crisp declarations John Van Engen presents in his introduction a multi-dimensional picture of just what a 'modern devotion' was understood to be for its practitioners and contemporaries in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.

There was a record, written after the fact, in such a place as Groenendael, in modern day Belgium, south of Brussels. There was a record of people meeting other people in houses founded for such a modern devotion. People such as Geert Grote who was considered a founder of these houses and meeting places (in the 1380's in Deventer), as well as the 'Flemish mystic' John of Ruusbroec. People like Pomerius who wrote down when and where and who, enabling us to know (at this far remove) just who and where and when. The house at Groenendael started in 1412 and the records of that had the effect, then, of stating the emergence of a 'modern devotion' that stretched over a generation and over 100 miles.

By this second generation from their founding, Van Engen tells us, there was another contemporary, Thomas a Kempis who wrote (~1420) as well about the growth and spread and practices of this 'modern devotion'. His is the name that is commonly attributed as the most known and influential of the modern devotion adherents. As much of his attributed and highly influential Imitation of Christ is a collection of sayings, rebukes and remonstrances, this form was one that grew (Ven Engen says 'incubated') in these houses of 'modern devotion'. A generation later, by 1460, a John Busch was remembered writing the history of the house of Windesheim and its leaders and practitioners. By the late 1490's, another chronicler was writing of the life of Henry Ryck in Euskirchen.

The simple name 'modern devotion' however, has caused centuries of consternation, various interpretations and particularizing explanations. Van Engen gives a quick and helpful overview. They did collect sayings like that of Thomas a Kempis'  Imitation of Christ, they did spread out over space and time, and they did pray a lot and study scripture and perform all sorts of community-minded charity works. But these activities and trends don't distinguish these houses as being much different or new as compared with canonical or medieval church and monastic practices. This is part of the problem in understanding who they were or 'what they stood for'. They clearly didn't see that what they were doing was new, but liked the idea of calling this method 'modern', since they did so very early on.

Van Engen explains that scholars are currently, mostly, in agreement that this modern devotion was, in some ways, somewhere between the traditional medieval monastic practices and those bourgeoning renaissance or reformation ideas.
"The relationship between this devotional movement and the later Reforms was, however, rarely a direct one. It would be far better to think in terms of common problems or issues, surfacing ever more obviously in the medieval Church from the late fourteenth century onward, to which each of these movements, and others as well, offered varying responses." [p. 10]

He goes on to conclude that their focus would remain on what was the best and holy life, and how to achieve that, and certainly, the place of education in a clerical and Christian life, and, worked toward allowing freer organization of volunteers with a common religious purpose. This may make them look like humanists, but for Van Engen, "... the brothers and sisters should be read for themselves and not with an eye on later developments." They were looking to sort out their problems and issues within the times of the late medieval Church and its European societal context.
"The aim of this book is to introduce the spirituality of the Modern Devout by translating several of their representative texts.... I make no claim to offer a new interpretive analysis.... Far too much has already been said about the Modern Devotion without sufficient knowledge of its basic texts...". [p.11]
The introduction here, Van Engen simply states, is to provide historical description of the movement, give a summary of key terms and spiritual teachings, and 'specific introductions' to texts chosen in translation. A number of Van Engen's summaries for key terms, called the 'spiritual teachings' of the devotio moderna, are interesting in themselves. As are a number of the sayings and lives he has collected here.

But in conclusion, Van Engen posits that this group of modern devout didn't see themselves as new or different. Their contemporaries noticed them because of their freely associating groups of both lay and clerical, women and men, young and old in all sorts of activities, and, as well, for their 'ardent intensity' in religious devotion. This in itself was not objectionable, just almost out of place in the late medieval period. [p.34]

________________________________________
from the introduction of John Van Engen: Devotio Moderna, Basic Writings ; Classics of Western Spirituality, Paulist Press, New York, 1988

news: early summer 2016

The major news in the US today. _________________________________________________________ Meanwhile there was another major bombing in Istanbul yesterday. ______________________________________________________ Waters in Paris and northern France are dropping but floods remain in Belgium today after weeks of torrential rains. ______________________________________________________ Children are farming tobacco in Indonesia.
Tallies continue to mount of minors escaping to the US, fleeing a life of violence in Central America. Homeland Security Secretary Jeh Johnson returns from talks in Tegucigalpa.
In a terrible spike of hopeless loss, the number of deaths among refugees to Europe has increased dramatically. _________________________________________________________ Loss of American icon Muhammad Ali felt all over the world. _________________________________________________________ After some successes in combatting Daesh in Syria, the Russian army is denying that they are building a base there.

But they are also building a base on their border with Ukraine. _________________________________________________________ Kenya continues its fighting of the forces of al Shabaab. _________________________________________________________ An NPR photo-journalist David Gilkey was killed in Afghanistan this week.

Thursday, June 2, 2016

Savonarola Was Once New, Weinstein Explains In A Prologue

Briefly, and to the point, Donald Weinstein makes a bold but, for this reader, a clear-thinking appraisal of the times of Friar Girolamo Savonarola, in the prologue to his bio of this famous Florentine preacher. It was the Renaissance in Italy and humanism had been spreading, exciting imaginations and actions, for something near a hundred years. There was going to be pushback and reactions.
"Religious conservatives worried that the rising tide of classical culture was drowning Christian morals and values in a sea of "paganism" and blamed it for everything from the clergy's fixation on money and power to the spread of sexual license. With little comprehension of such historical realities as the rise of an entrepreneurial economy, the demographic catastrophe of the Black Death, and the spread of secular culture, they applied simplistic moral dichotomies -- greed vs. charity, ambition vs. humility, luxury vs. austerity, piety vs. worldliness -- and called for a return to a "primitive Christianity" every bit as idealized as the classical antiquity of the humanists."
At an early peak of criticism in the intellectual crisis brought on by such self-reflection, a Dominican Giovanni Dominici, publicly attacked such 'classicism'. As Weinstein tells us, Dominici charged,
"... they were perverting Christian youth by replacing the authority of the saints with that of the ancients. Dominici was no obscurantist but a sophisticated Thomist theologian, and he made his argument on a philosophical level, challenging humanist assumptions about the primacy of will over reason and questioning the rhetoricians' faith in the correspondence between words and things." [p. 5]
The humanists, like Coluccio Salutati, Weinstein tells us, gave an answer that placed primacy on language, on communication as central to all the faiths, religion, and spirituality. Weinstein again says it very clearly.
"All knowledge, including studia divinitatis, begins with communication, Salutati memorably declared, and his thesis was elaborated by his successors into a humanist credo: language is the link to reality, the basis of human community and the connection between past and present. Through language, therefore, we draw both upon our own knowledge of the world and upon the experience of all mankind and gain the information we need to make decisions and to act. Thus the study of language is central to all of human life, to religion as well as to government." [pp. 5-6]
Moralists and much of the clergy at the time, though, considered this notion as contradictory to the church and its teachings. If this were the only thing Savonarola were busying himself with, he would be forgotten with the rest of those at the time. But instead, by the mid 1490's, the 'little friar' had "... fused spiritual and moral renewal with social justice and political liberty..." and somehow persuaded worldly Florence "... to embrace him as its prophet...". The ways a Dominican friar could accomplish this is what Weinstein says are the 'key questions' of his biography. [p.6]
______________________________________
quotes and pagination in Donald Weinstein: Savonarola: the rise and fall of a renaissance prophet , Yale University Press, New Haven, 2011