Saturday, February 28, 2015

French in Naples, Prince Djem Dies: late February, 1495

News had reached Rome that the French had indeed entered Naples and assumed control. Late in January, the pope had learned that King Alfonso had fled Naples and his son, the Duke of Calabria assumed control of  the city. The French arrived before the end of February and the young Duke in turn, fled for Sicily. The French assumed control but their lines of communication were stretched thin.

Communications between the other powers in Italy (like Venice, Rome and even Milan), and beyond (like Spain and the Emperor), had begun in earnest, and by the end of March they had signed an agreement to protect each other against the French. The French would leave Naples by May 20 and head back north again.

Amidst all this turbulence, a note from Master of Ceremonies Johann Burchard in Rome tells the story of the curious end to the Ottoman sultan's brother placed in the protection of French king Charles VIII as part of the deal with Rome.

"We learned later on February 25th that Prince Djem had died in the Castel Capuana in Naples, through eating or drinking something unsuitable for him. In response to the urgent requests of the Sultan Bajazet, Djem's body and all his household were sent to him. It was said that he paid handsomely for the safe delivery of the corpse, and rejoiced at the return of Djem's servants."

Our editor and translator for Burchard tell us that,

"Burchard was quite non-committal in his report of Djem's death, but other writers were more explicit in accusing the Borgias of having poisoned him. No conclusive proof of such a deed by the pope or Cesare remains, and suggestions that they used a slow-working poison are not convincing. It seems most valid to conclude thaat Djem died naturally, much as Burchard described." p 120.
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quotes and pagination from Johann Burchard: At The Court of the Borgia translated for english, with introduction by Geoffrey Parker, The Folio Society, Ltd, 1963

some news bits late February 2015

In a momentous decision, the Federal Communications Commission gave its reccomendtion after hearing years of public comment. They have opted to adhere to the concept of Net Neutrality, where the largest of the internet service providors cannot limit the bandwidth of certain markets. An npr piece that gives a good overview said that the numbers of public comments went up dramatically after this piece last summer by comedian John Oliver.

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The well known Russian opposition leader Boris Nemtsov was shot to death within view of the Kremlin in Moscow on February 27th.

The civil war in Ukraine continues with an EU sanctioned ceasefire having fallen apart over the preceeding couple weeks. Yesterday China made a public statement about the crisis there.
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In the US, Congress has been trying to force a reversal on President Obama's executive order regarding immigrants. They have repeatedly tried for months to connect that repeal to the funding of the nation's Homeland Security Department. Bills that the House passes have not been passed by the Senate chamber, all week. On Friday, the Department of Homeland Security would no longer be able to pay thousands of its workers if the funding was not approved. The Senate managed to pass a bill funding the Department for three weeks til a larger agreement could be found. The House of Representatives could not accomplish this, and so passed a bill extending funding for only one week and thus became the butt of many jokes.  This is because the House is controlled by the Republican party who pride themselves as 'strong on defense', but can't fund Homeland Security because they disagree so strongly with the President's stance over immigrants.

Another simmering debate between the House and the President involves Speaker John Boehner's invitation of Israel's Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu to come and speak to Congress before his upcoming elections.
The President has said the invitation was not requested by his office, so as not to show favoritism toward the incumbent in his election efforts in a few weeks. But Netanyahu will come to the US anyway, speak to Republicans but not separately with the Democrats both chambers of Congress.
It's been reported that the speech Netanyahu will bring seeks to derail negotiations between the Obama Administration and Israel's enemy Iran over the future of that state's nuclear power.
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On February 28th, the world mourned the passing of Leonard Nimoy, the actor most known as portraying the iconic Spock on the fifty year-old television series Star Trek.

Doge Gritti Excuses Reticence In Name of Defense: Sanudo Diaries: February 26, 1525

Marin Sanudo, Venetian chronicler, recounts the time when the city fathers learned of the capture of French King Francis I by the forces of Emperor Carlos V.

Next day, Sunday, more letters arrived in Venice, the Collegio convened and Imperial ambassadors came and addressed the Venetians with some crowing and some complaints. One Marino Caracciolo, imperial ambassador, praising their victory in capturing the French King Francis I on the day before, said there would be much rejoicing 'in Spain and his dominions' over this. It was King Carlos' birthday and so, 'Eternal God gave him a great victory on that day.' In addition,

Sanudo Diaries: February 26, 1525: (37:656); "He said that they would have so liked for the forces of this most excellent state to be united with the imperial forces. And he said other judicious things."

Doge Andrea Gritti had to explain why they had kept their forces back from this fray.  He reminded the ambassador, and all those present, he had sent word to the various ambassadors when the news arrived and the city had rejoiced with them. There had likely been  counterattacks by the French and the imperial forces had left the 'defenses of our conjoined territories' to fight the French, thus imperilling Venetian holdings that the imperial forces were there to protect.  After all, Venice felt vulnerable to French attacks as well, and if she had only herself to depend on defense and thereby looked weak, France may have attacked her holdings instead. Venice had to protect her own state. But "... let us thank God that there was a good conclusion, which certainly will bring peace to Italy."

Editor's note: "This masterful speech of Gritti's and its careful use of dissembling language is an example of what Felix Gilbert has called the "finesse and subtlety" of Venetian patricians, trained in the debates of the Senate." [p. 528]

Editor's note: "As proof that Venice continued to honor its alliance [with Imperial forces], the Imperial and English ambassadors were granted permission to take gunpowder and pitch from the Arsenale for their victory celebrations."

But the city, and much of the surrounding region, were distressed by the news. Earlier that day the Collegio had listened to the ambassador from Ferrara who had loudly complained of the disaster that losing the French king would mean.  In the city, Carnival festas were few and muted.

Sanudo Diaries: February 26, 1525: (37:660); "There has been little masking, so that it seems as if the city is mourning the capture of the Most Christian King [Francis], because in fact almost everyone laments it."

More letters from the region in Italy came in, as well as more from Innsbruck, Spain, and Hungary, our editors tell us. Here too, amid all this huge news, our editors reveal that Sanudo also took the time to describe a great many other things as well.  The procurator at San Marco could show their treasures to 'the delegation from Teodoro Trivulzi', then governor of Milan. There were reports of caravels from the New World arriving in Spain carrying gold, pearls, spices. The charge of heresy against Martin Luther's protector, the Duke of Saxony made news.  The prices of state bonds of the Monte Nove and Monte Novissima were noteworthy as well as the need to raise the too low subsidy for the expensive Damascus trade. Even the women's shelter at Scuola di la Chiesia di Sant' Angnese was placed back under its own governance. [p. 529]

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 from Venice, Cita Excellentissima, Selection from the Renaissance Diaries of Marin Sanudo translated by Linda L Carroll,  editors: Patricia H LaBalme and Laura Sanguineti White, published by Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008

Dispatches From The French/ Imperial Wars: Sanudo Diaries: February 25, 1525

Marin Sanudo, Venetian chronicler, recounts the time when the city fathers learned of the capture of French King Francis I by the forces of Emperor Carlos V.

Sanudo Diaries: February 25, 1525: (37:648-49); "This morning, Saturday, after the Collegio had come down from its meeting and the doge had come for dinner, a messenger arrived with letters from ser Piero da ca' da Pexaro, procurator and proveditor general, written in Brescia yesterday.... The doge read them: they brought the news that the armies clashed yesterday, the 24th, St. Matthew the Apostle's Day , and that the army of the Most Christian King had been defeated, and that nonetheless the fighting had continued the whole day."

[Our Editors note that 'the French king is always referred to in the diaries as re Christianissimo."]

"And a little later came another letter from the proveditor general ... describing how this Paulo da Bologna... reported that the french army had been defeated, the King wounded and captured -- some say he is dead -- and Monsignor the admiral killed...."

[Our Editors note that this Admiral was Guillaume Gouffier, seigneur di Bonnivet.]

A later letter said the king was not captured but,

"... the Swiss and the men-at-arms in block formation were heading in the direction of Milan. And the letter told how the Spaniards ... had assailed this camp, breaching its stockades, and how the rest of the troops had fled across the Ticino with the Spaniards in pursuit.

And it was agreed that this was very bad news for this state."

That Carlos V had captured the King of France -- in battle, in Pavia, Italy -- was indeed big news. But we should step back and recognize that, of course, Carlos was the grandson of Emperor Maximilian. Carlos was also the first king de jure of Castile and Aragon. Indeed, Carlos' father, Phillip the handsome, had been married to 'mad' Joanna of Castile, by his father Max's negotiations. Another marriage between Phillip's sister Margaret, to John of Asturia had also been arranged to cement relations between Austria, Burgundy and central Spain. The result of this double alliance was the eventual control of the Habsburg dynasty over the powerhouse that became Spain.

Margaret was the only other child that Mary of Burgundy bore for Maximilian besides Philip before her death. John of Asturia, the son and only heir of Ferdinand and Isabella in Castile would die the 4th October 1497, after six months of marriage.

Margaret would soon return to the Netherlands as godmother to her newborn nephew Carlos V, born the 24th February, 1500. She would see him grow up in her palace now in Belgium. She would also marry the Duke of Savoy, Philibert II. But he would also die shortly thereafter. She, however would indeed go on to play a major role in local and international politics. In 1506 she was elected by an assembly to represent them as regent for the Lowlands. In 1507 Max named her guardian of the young Carlos. She also had begun a massive improvement on her palace in Mechlehen (between Antwerp and Brussels) then. She would oversee the upbringing of a number of prominent children in those days. She would play a hand in The League of Cambrai and the peace negotiated afterward  called 'The Ladies Peace'. This would be with Louise of Savoy, the mother of king Francis. These would be lessons in both Carlos and Francis' upbringing.

It was on his birthday, it was said, that Carlos, king of Spain and Holy Roman Emperor, had captured King Francis I of France. When news of this arrived in Venice, some were greatly saddened and some were elated, gave their thanks to God while others partied long into the night.

Sanudo Diaries: February 25, 1525: (37: 650); The Milanese, the English, and the Imperial ambassadors, "... gathered together with great jubilation and joy with a large group of their people and the exiles from Milan. They went to the Madonna di Miracoli to hear a solemn Te Deum...."

The Venetians had a secret treaty with the king of France signed the previous Christmas and were indeed very worried. Sanudo was happy enough to go to a rehearsal of a comedy put on by the Valorosi at Ca' Dandolo in Venice.

Sanudo Diaries: February 25, 1525: (37:653); "The commedia was most beautiful, with intermezzi of poetry and instrumental music. Everyone praised it. It ended at the seventh hour of the night, and among other things, those who performed were very well costumed in gold brocade and silk, and the stage was marvelously decorated, as was the room, and in place of decorative roses there were basins and large cups of silver, forty-two in all."

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 from Venice, Cita Excellentissima, Selection from the Renaissance Diaries of Marin Sanudo translated by Linda L Carroll,  editors: Patricia H LaBalme and Laura Sanguineti White, published by Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008

Wednesday, February 18, 2015

reflective commentary on US issues: early February 2015

Last week there were a number of great radio shows, also available as podcasts.

This American Life talked about some local US police forces and their interactions with the public in some troublesome areas. Spread over two weeks, two hours. Part One and Part Two.

On The Media tackles the changing fortunes of the word ' whistleblower' over time. Also a bit on the legacy of American lynching and another on when white supremacists took over Wilmington, North Carolina in 1898.
Some reflections on the century old movie 'Birth of a Nation'.

Paul Jay talks to Phil Donahue about how dissent is the real patriotism on The Real News Network.

Astronaut Chris Hedfield talks about doing the impossible and overcoming fear.

Moving toward ending solitary confinement on Rikers Island.

Meanwhile:

'Protection' As Both Custody and Force: Beginnings of the Territorial State


To be able to both define the common good and coerce those who would not obey was part of the new European sense of agency for a ruler of men. Men such as Cortes, or Savonarola, Henry VIII in England or Charles VIII of France, would use this idea to their advantage. In an era and region of seemingly perpetual violence, German lands developed some similar responses to their Italo-Franco-Anglo neighbors. Right up front, Brady says there were two complementing solutions that worked to resolve the problems created by such a locally weak imperial government.

One path was the growth or change of the local, inherited traditions of the 'late-medieval patrimonial estates' - an old system of increasing partitioning and parcelization of inherited lands - which morphed into 'institutionalized territorial states.' The other solution that worked out alongside the other - a
process of decades and centuries - was where imperial governing grew due to 'collaborations between emperor and Diet'. Again, gradually, the princes, nobles, magistrates were not 'the king's men' but had their own castles and levied their own armies to support them. But still, in time, "they came to support the suppression of feud, because thereby their own power would enhance."
You could gain power if you made war successfully, and even more power if you could maintain a state. Maximilian would alternately try each of these methods.

Max Weber's 'rationalization of domination' was a notion that 'lay at the heart of early modern state foundation'; where 'protection' meant the (stunningly modern) notion of what we might call 'security' while the tradition of 'guarding subjects and extracting fruits of their labor' was already the old time-tested means. In turn, modern bourgeoning cities and regions in the european renaissance era learned new practices from each other. A European-wide refashioning grew, wherein as Brady puts it, a 'new tool kit' was gained and developed to help adapt.

Once established, a launders list of new methods grew wings on their own. Greater education encouraged 'bureacracies of specialized functions' with
legal teams,
new 'taxation and auditing skills,
mercantile trade policies,
standing armies', and
external diplomacy cadres,
who all expanded their own new perches,
and all of which cost money. [p.97]
Such was the optimism that this problem was solved for a while by new taxation methods and strategies. Within a hundred years or so, the very term sovereignty was developed to describe a state with these above basic functions.

But, adroitly Brady then quotes Charles Tilly to caution us. War making, he says, and state making are merely the legitimized crimes of 'protection rackets'. Brady also reminds us that protection and the German word gewalt both mean the same things, both custody and force. The old notion of a 'lord protector' that provides and protects was basic for medieval self-governance. But if they did not or could not protect? The old notion was that one was not obliged to serve a lord that did not. But a new lord with such a greater, rationalization of systems with cadres and teams at his disposal, could just force obedience. Like a monarch, but increasingly more local.

This then became a norm, as local princes, bishops, and magistrates in German lands took matters into their own hands and, time after time, failed to support the emperor in pursuing his plans. This swelling lack of imperial support diminished the emperor's power and Maximilian knew it. Astute observers like Machiavelli knew it too. In a local world where more municipalities and territories became more or less autonomous, competing and warring with each other, with new methods and means available, the mark of success was a more stable territory both internally and with regard to it's external neighbors. Brady compares this dispersed power with the monarchy in France.
"In France the monarchy gradually appropriated and absorbed the jurisdiction of aristocratic lineages, noble seigneurs, abbeys, and cities; in the German lands similar programs foundered on durable reefs made up of some thousands of polities." [p.98]
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This is Brady's bibliographic note for,
Tilly, Charles. Coercion, Capital, and European States, AD 990-1992. Studies In Soical Discontinuity. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell, 1990
-- "Reflections on the History of European State-Making." In The Formation of National States in Western Europe,  ed. Charles Tilly. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975, 3-83
-- "War Making and State Making as Organized Crime." In Bringing The State Back, Peter B. Evans, Dietrich Rueschemeyer, and Theda Skocpol. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985 169-91
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quotes,  pagination & bib note from: Thomas A Brady Jr: German Histories in The Age of Reformations, 1400-1650;  University of California, Berkeley for the Cambridge Univeristy Press, 2009

Monday, February 9, 2015

Terrible Uncertainties: Examples Force Unwanted Responses


The current age is one where anecdotal evidence however defined is frequently used as a window, a benchmark, through or beyond which a great many behaviors and attitudes are then explored, 'discusssed', and thus popularly deduced and then subsequently remembered by the public at large. But, just as easily, anecdotal examples are also dismissed summarily, simply because they are 'anecdotal.' Somebody told a story and that was it: somebody's story.

Still, when patterned examples accumulate, even in series' of anecdotes, people still will very often hold fast to the deductions or lessons retained when first confronted by a similar story. This is how we learn, however gradually. We make associations between what is known and the new thing or attitude, condition or behavior, before us. We compare. We judge, we act or react. But first, we draw associations from what we know as it compares to what we see now. Otherwise we likely won't recognize it at all and other more basic instincts - like fear - start in. When uncertainties abound humans retreat, unless we find associations we can come to trust in.

Again, in another example, in just a few pages, Thomas A Brady steers a path for us along numerous anecdotes, showing a pattern of uncertainties, and in several places, by differing groups over time, in his depiction of practical German notions and responses, both toward and against territorial gain and maintennance. This gives him an opportunity to show us their basic notions of 'protection' and security in an age that gave rise to such realities as terrritories, as they rose and multiplied. It seems that periods of great change are also understood as such because these are when the macro effects the micro and the personal. the individual eventually learns to effect the macro.

Disputants among the kings of Hungary rejected claims of the young Ladislaus to rule there, and nobles in Upper and Lower Austria 'staged feuds and raids' against Archduke Ferdinand of Styria, then the protector of the young heir of Emperor Albert II. The nobles sued to be co-regents with Frederich of the Imperial legacy of Sigismund and Albert in Austrian lands. Assemblies of such nobles called for the Archduke's crucifixion and 'Viennese burghers joined in with glee.' Lessers attracted to open rebellion raided the helpless on roads and in small towns. [p. 93]

In 1447, 'Austrian estates', and then again, in 1451, as many as 254 signatories demanded Frederich give up control of Ladislaus and release him to the Vienna Castle. It was only after Frederich returned, newly crowned Emperor and married in Rome, did he at last give up control of the young man and accede to the demand of the nobles. [p. 94]

In 1449, on St James' Day, a Franconian war among cities broke out. Nuremburg, Augsburg and Ulm were attacked by a league of princes from Brandenburg, Baden, Saxony, & Wurttemburg, Eichstatt. What had been a small feud expanded quickly into a regional war and then continued in wave upon wave and by some of the worst actors. The burning of towns or storehouses, or the threat of these exactions were the hallmark of Albert Achilles, an Imperial Elector of Brandenburg. For years he went after the burghers in the cities, but by 1462 thought the 'scoundrel bishops' as well 'both men and women, priest or laymen should be burnt.'

In 1461, Frederich's own brother, Albert tried to usurp him by besieging his family in Vienna Castle. Again, the burghers joined in by siding with Albert. But he died within a couple years as did the familial feud with it. [p. 95] Plenty of antagonists remained and uncertainties multiplied across the decades.

Not only errant nobles and burghers, but bishops and other clergy increasingly took matters into their own hands and then, managed appropriate 'protection'. Cities and their leagues could not always & reliably protect merchants or pilgrims from bandits or errant nobles and their demanded 'protections'. These ended up exacting private money into other private hands for merely avoiding greater violence. [p. 96]

In 1486 Federich proposed a Public Peace to the Diet. Finally, in 1495, Maximilian convinced the Diet of Worms to agree, at least, in 'a new law that declared ...'
"... no one, whatever his rank, estate, or position, shall conduct feud, make war on, rob, kidnap, ambush, or besiege another, ... nor shall he enter any castle, town, market, fortress, villages, hamlets, or farms against another's will, or use force against them, illegally occupy them, threaten them with arson, or damage them in any other way." [p. 97]

The problem would remain whoever the Emperor was. People of means had already begun to take matters into their own hands. Local conflicts continued to fester, ironing out differences among the many interests that remained all over.There were churchlands and benefices, inherited lands subject to centuries of parcelization and little left for individuals with a name, to call their own.
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quotes and pagination from: Thomas A Brady Jr: German Histories in The Age of Reformations, 1400-1650;  University of California, Berkeley for the Cambridge Univeristy Press, 2009

Diverse Dissuading Diversions: Chaucer/Montaigne


'Ho, my good sir, no more!' exclaimed the Knight.
'What you have said so far no doubt is right,
And more than right, but still a litle grief
Will do for most of us, in my belief.
As for myself, I take a great displeasure
In tales of those who once knew wealth and leisure
And then are felled by some unlucky hit.
But it's a joy to hear the opposite,
For instance tales of men of low estate
Who climb aloft and growing fortunate
Remain secure in their prosperity;
That is delightful as it seems to me
And is a proper sort of tale to tell.'


This is the Good Knight speaking to a friar monk after many stories were told, along the
road, on horseback, of the downfall of many kings and emperors, heroes and other famous
rulers, near Rochester. In England on the road to Canterbury. The Host agrees with the Knight in Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, and goes on to rebuke the former speaker, the Monk, after his many woeful, tragic tales.

             "...This Monk, he talks too loud;
All about "Fortune covered with a cloud"
-- I don't know what -- and as for "Tragedy",
You heard just now, what has to be must be.
It does no good to grumble and complain,
What's done is done. Moreover, it's a pain,
As you have said, to hear about disaster;
Let's have no more of it. God bless you, master,
It's an offence, you're boring us that's why!...

"When lecturers find their audiences decrease
It does them little good to say their piece."
Give us a word or two on hunting, say.'
'No,' said the Monk, 'I'm in no mood today
For fun. Ask someone else, I've said enough.'

The host then turns and asks the priest of a nun to follow.

"'Come here you priest, step forward, you, Sir John,
And tell a tale to make our troubles pack.
Cheer yourself up although you ride a hack.
What if your ugly horse is poor and thin?
If it will serve you, never care a pin!
And always keep your heart up -- that's the test!'
'Yes,' he replied, 'yes, Host, I'll do my best,
Not to be merry would deserve reproach.'
And he immediately began to broach
His story to us as we all rode on,
This charming priest and kindly man, Sir John.

'Once, long ago, there dwelt a poor old widow
In a small cottage, by a little meadow
Beside a grove and standing in a dale.
This widow-woman of whom I tell my tale
Since the sad day when last she was a wife
Had led a very patient, simple life.
Little she had in capital or rent,
But still, by making do with what God sent,
She kept herself and her two daughters going."

She had three pigs, three cows and several chickens, but it was the lusty rooster Chanticleer that Chaucer's Nun's Priest goes on at length about. The rooster that taugt a fox to curse his own sweet talk. More on that later. Nearly 200 years later, Michel de Montaigne, snug in later years at his estate, offered a description of such a method for diversion as a set, or series of responses, to soothe grief or sadness. More on that later.

Montaigne Essays: On Diversion: iii,4
or how to dissuade from too much sadness...
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Nevill Coghill was an Oxford English Lit Professor of the twentieth century - and who reached a wider audience than many - with his 1951 translation of Chaucer quoted and excerpted  here. He works it happily into a mid-century idiom that makes sense and captures the rolling rhythms of Chaucer easily. It was a bestseller for decades apparently. Here's a charming bit about him and his papers.

Monday, February 2, 2015

Maximilian Calls Diet To Raise Funds For Italian Adventure: February 2, 1495

Eventually the princes came and eventually they agreed to what was called 'The Common Penny', a tax levied and spent in following years. But the call began a number of talks about a number of issues about security in German nations as well as the uncertainties brought on by the masses of French soldiers over the Alps in Italy. At first, Max did not arrive in Worms until March 18. Discussions bogged down in the various prince's desires for Imperial reforms. Talks would continue into August.

Helene Kottanerin Seizes Crown For Her Lady, Queen Elizabeth: 1440


In order to underscore the theme of 'the fragility of dynasty' in fifteenth century Europe, Thomas A Brady sketches the dramatic events at the center of the passing of the Imperial crown in German lands out of the Luxemburg House, in an attempt to maintain it. He also does this by introducing the oldest known memoir from a German-speaking woman, a noble lady-in-waiting, Helene Kottanerin.

King Sigismund, the last of the Luxemburg kings in German lands died in 1437 and his crowns went to the neighboring prince Archduke Albert II who was a Habsburg. Albert married Sigismund's last surviving heir, Elizabeth (1409-42) and she became pregnant and was named Queen. When Albert died suddenly 27October, 1439 she 'fled south from his funeral'. It was her lady-in-waiting, the Viennese Helene Kottanerin, who picks up the action here and gives us these details. Her job was to secure the royal and coronation articles from a Plintenburg Castle that would be necessary to ensure a future crowning of this possible heir which still lay in Queen Elizabeth's womb. It was 'Castle Visegrad/ Plintenburg',

"... a fortress north of Buda-Ofen. Aided by a brave Croatian nobleman, [p.87] Helene snuck into the castle on the night of 20-21 February 1440, replaced the crowns and other items with copies, and fled upstream to to Komarom/Komorn, where they crossed the frozen Danube. One week later, Elizabeth's son was born and baptized Ladislaus... [and] called "Posthumous." In May the party travelled to the coronation city,
Szekesfehervar/Stuhlweissenburg in southern Hungary, in whose cathedral on 15 May, the tiny 11-week old heir was lifted from his cradle and gently crowned with the crown of St Stephen. All this came to pass because Helene, who "has given service to Her Grace [Queen Elizabeth], also the noble king [Albert], and Their Graces' children of this noble, princely line," and her brave Croatian companion had lifted "Her Grace's crown, her collar, and all of her other regalia" from under their guardian's very eyes." [p.88]

Crowned as a helpless, fugitive infant swathed in his grandfather's cut-down coronation robe, Ladislaus owed his chances solely to his mother and to the redoubtable Helene ... [but] His chances were never good, because a strong party of Hungarian nobles rejected the coronation and supported the Polish king's claim. The young man did live to become King of Hungary and Bohemia, but only briefly, before he died in 1457 at age eighteen. Following his death the Bohemian and Hungarian lords chose to live under native dynasties much as they had done before the coming of the Luxemburgs." [p.88]

But the failure for the Luxemburg project was that they "...failed to gain a secure territorial base, just as they failed to perpetuate their line." Elizabeth died before Christmas 1442 and with her so did the inherited patrimonies of the kings of Hungary, Bohemia, and part of Poland.
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quotes and pagination from: Thomas A Brady Jr: German Histories in The Age of Reformations, 1400-1650;  University of California, Berkeley for the Cambridge Univeristy Press, 2009